German question in the foreign policy strategy of the USA in the second half of the 1940s-1980s

US policy towards West Germany after World War II. The dynamics and nature of US-German relations that arose on a long-term basis after the formation of Germany in 1949. A characteristic feature of US policy on the German question in the postwar years.

Рубрика Международные отношения и мировая экономика
Вид статья
Язык английский
Дата добавления 17.05.2022
Размер файла 74,6 K

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Thus, the German question that confronted the Allies during the World War II and in the post-war years has undergone a transformative approach to its resolution and provoked heated debate among representatives of the United States foreign policy establishment. The US leadership had neither a conceptual plan for development, nor a clear idea of Germany's place in the world, nor any idea how to plan the country's future. That is why, at first, popular ideas in the style of the Morgenthau Plan were reflected in the draft occupation directive of the Committee of Chiefs of Staff, whose main purpose was to demilitarize, denatify, decartelize and democratize Germany. This document formed the basis of US occupation policy until mid-1947, when a long-term policy on Germany began to emerge.

US policy toward Germany has been at the heart of its wider European policy. President H. Truman and D. Eisenhower preferred a strong and united Western Europe in the middle of a divided continent than a united but weak Europe dominated by the USSR.

However, with the onset of the Cold War, the US government began to attach special importance not only to the military, but also to economic methods of deterring the Soviet Union and communism. In Europe, this led to the creation of NATO and the re-equipping of West Germany, and facilitated economic integration through the Marshall Plan and the European Economic Community.

The first deterioration of relations between the United States and Germany came in the early 1960's, when the Kennedy administration reacted passively to the construction of the Berlin Wall in 1961. The superpower wall was erected to define the limits of its claims. The German question was not resolved, but it seemed settled. Even after the Caribbean crisis of 1962, a process of mutual understanding between the two superpowers continued. As a result, K. Adenauer was forced to seek his own ways of foreign policy development of Germany and the temporary distance to the United States was offset by the improvement of German-French relations.

The weakening of the Cold War and the beginning of the discharge process during the reigns of the L. Johnson and R. Nixon administration's improved American-German relations. R. Nixon's less ideological and realistic approach to global politics emerged almost simultaneously with W. Brandt's proclamation of a new Eastern policy. One of the greatest successes of American foreign policy since 1969 was the ability to properly analyze the initial internal consensus created by W. Brandt in support of Bonn's eastern policy.

American prospects for dйtente have changed since the second half of the 1970s. Soviet activity in Africa, Angola, the invasion of Afghanistan, the deployment of medium-range SS-20 ballistic missiles in Europe, and growing American frustrations over strategic controls were viewed by the Reagan administration as clear evidence that the discharge had only weakened the US position in the world. The Republican administration's immediate response was the deployment of Pershing II ballistic missiles and the proclamation of a Star Wars program (Strategic Defense Initiative). The further collapse of the communist regimes of Central and Eastern Europe, the unification of Germany and the collapse of the USSR marked the end of the Yalta- Potsdam international system and the beginning of a new era in international relations.

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26. Kennan, G. F. (1967). Memoirs, 1925-1950. New York: Random House.

27. Kissinger, H. A. (1979). White House Years. Boston: Little Brown and Co

28. Ninkovich, F. A. (1988). Germany and the United States: the Transformation of the German Question since 1945. Boston: Twayne Publishers.

29. Nitze, P. H., Smith, A. M. & Rearden, S.L. (1989). From Hiroshima to Glasnost: At the center of Decision: a Memoir. New York: Grove/Atlantic.

30. Reagan, R. (1987). The Horror of the Wall Can Easily Overwhelm Us. In N. Golden, S.B. Wells (Ed.), American Foreign Policy: Current Policy, 1986 (pp. 295-296). Washington, D.C.: Department of State.

31. Remarks by Chancellor Brandt April 10, 1970, at a Dinner given by President Nixon (1983). Common values, Common cause: German Statement in the United States, American Statement in Germany 1953-1983. Statements and Speeches (pp. 91-94). New York: German Information Center.

32. Remarks by President Johnson and Chancellor Kiesinger at Welcoming Ceremonies in Washington, August 15, 1967. (1983). Common values, Common cause: German Statement in the United States, American Statement in Germany 1953-1983. Statements and Speeches (pp. 80-84). New York: German Information Center.

33. Schwartz, T. A. (1991). America's Germany: John J. McCloy and the Federal Republic of Germany. Cambridge: Harvard University Press.

34. Steininger, R. (1990). The German Question: The Stalin Note of 1952 and the Problem of Reunification. New York: Columbia University Press.

35. Szabo, S F. (1992). The Diplomacy of German Unification. New York: St. Martin's Press.

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