Unlike state-owned newspapers, Enab Baladi uses only one type of assimilation - collectivization with only one exception. At the end of each article of “in-depth” category there are survey's results from newspaper's page in Facebook, which predominantly corresponds with the main idea of an article. This strategy is called aggregation and it is used “to regulate practice and to manufacture consensus opinion, even though it presents itself as merely recording facts” van Leeuwen, `The Representation of Social Actors', 49.. It helps to legitimize the Enab Baladi opinion concerning different issues, for example in the article “Syria still unsafe?” there is a survey where the respondents answer the question “How do you consider the procedures and laws that are being enacted by the Syrian regime under official calls for the return of refugees?”. The answers were: “eliminate the hope of return”, “Syrian regime encourages the return of the refugees” and “don't know” `Syria Still Unsafe, "Shall We Return Home, or Not?'. The choice of words itself proves the main idea of the article - unsafety and reluctance of Syria to accept refugees.

Some of the social actors, in our case refugees, are nominated in a semi-formal (name and surname) or informal (only name) way, while the representatives of the “professionals” are always realized by former or semi-formal proper nouns with the mention of their occupation.

Thus, refugees and returnees in the newspaper Enab Baladi are represented, for the most part, in a collectivistic way, as a group. Despite more frequent reference to the individual traits of individual refugees, they still continue to be used as a reflection of the unfair policies of certain states. Most refugees play a passive role, while representatives of various professions are active actors, which indicates that the newspaper focuses on clarifying and explaining some issues related to refugees from a professional point of view, and not from the point of view of these refugees themselves. In this way, prejudices related to the image of a repatriate who cannot achieve anything on his own can also be displayed.

4.2 Analysis of Kurdish Hawar News Agency

Hawar News Agency It is an only newspaper which is not a newspaper in a full sense. Unfortunately, because of the difficult political and military situation in Rojava, it is impossible to distribute printed newspapers. (ANHA) is one of the main Kurdish news agencies; it was founded in 2013 by number of Kurdish journalists in Belgium. Now it is based in Al-Hasaka and it is considered as Rojava's official news agencies. The coverage of this agency is comparable to state-owned newspapers, but several dozen times less than that of Enab Baladi.

ANHA aims to “struggle in the media field to define, protect and develop the identity, culture and history of the Kurdish people and all oppressed peoples, the peoples whose existence is denied and peoples exposed to physical and cultural genocide” “ANHA - ANHA | HAWARNEWS | English,” accessed May 3, 2020, http://www.hawarnews.com/en/kunye/.. This aim should be represented in the ideology of journalists publishing the articles.

The CDA of press requires from the researcher to examine properly the headlines and the leads of the chosen articles, in our case, the articles concerning repatriates' and refugees' situation. It should be said that the amount of published articles about refugees is considerably smaller than in other mentioned newspapers: around 14 in English and 20 in Arabic language. Such an infrequent mention of refugees in ANHA articles allows us to conclude that this problem is insignificant in comparison with other news. As mentioned earlier, the Kurds are at war with Turkey at the moment, which puts the problems of repatriation and refugees into the background.

All of the examined headlines were about refugees' problems. Some of them refer to the reluctance of refugees to be displaced. Others directly relate to the plight of refugees: lack of necessary medicines, security and livelihoods. Moreover, it is worth noting that the latter is more likely to apply to articles published in English, which can refer to the target audience of these messages - the English-speaking community - associated in the Middle East with money and well-being `Survey: More Than Half of Arab World's Young Adults Want to Leave', The Media Line, 26 June 2019, https://themedialine.org/by-region/mideast/survey-more-than-half-of-arab-worlds-young-adults-want-to-leave/..

In that case the words choice remains similar throughout all the articles. The most popular words are “refugees” (18 of 20) and “Turkey” (10 of 20), because the main topic in public discourse for Kurds is their strong relationships with Turkey, which determine, for the most part, the functioning of official media discourse in Rojava.

The constant mention of Turkey in a negative way allows us to talk about the existence of a dichotomy “us”-“them”, where refugees act together with the Kurds in the "us" position. What “they” Turks did to “us”? How did “they” display us? And how do we suppose to live further under such circumstances?

“The displaced Fakhri Omar Sultan pointed out that the purpose of the shelling of the occupiers [the Turks] on Sherawa district and al-Shahba canton is to intimidate us and forcibly displace us from here, but we are not afraid and remain in al-Shahba despite what is happening because we are struggling here to return to our homeland and our land."” `Afrin Refugees: Turkey Seeks to Displace Us from al-Shahba, but We Will Stay - ANHA | HAWARNEWS | English', www.hawarnews.com, accessed 6 May 2020, http://www.hawarnews.com/en/haber/afrin-refugees-turkey-seeks-to-displace-us-from-al-shahba-but-we-will-stay-h16382.html.

Such a unification of Kurds and refugees under the concept of "us" can cause the "western reader" (and articles in English are directed to the western readers) sympathy for the whole group at once, and not just for usually victimized refugees who are fleeing their land because of the “Turkish occupation”.

The attitude towards Turkey in the concept of "they" is also confirmed by the use of emotional vocabulary in assessing its refugee policy (bargaining chip). In this case, non-detailed descriptions are used, which also testifies to the use of the "they" concept Dijk, `The Role of the Press in the Reproduction of Racism', 25. as in example:

“…[EU] would not accept the use of refugees as a bargaining chip”. `???????ÃæÑæÈÇ ÊÄßÏ ÑÝÖåÇ áÇÈÊÒÇÒ ÊÑßíÇ áåÇ ÈæÑÞÉ ÇááÇÌÆíä (Europe confirms that it doesn't intend to be blackmailed by Turkey on the refugees' issue) - ANHA | HAWARNEWS | ÇáÚÑÈíÉ', www.hawarnews.com, accessed 12 May 2020, http://www.hawarnews.com/ar/haber/e2808be2808be2808be2808be2808be2808be2808bawrwba-tukd-rfdhha-labtzaz-trkya-lha-bwrqh-allajeyn-h31434.html.

If we apply van Leeuwen's model of social actors, it could be stated that as in previous newspapers refugees serve as an instrument to represent the ideology, in this case, the Kurdish one. The first strategy “inclusion/exclusion” illustrates the predominance of the themes connected with repatriation problems: mass destruction of properties, lack of security, constant battles for the territory where refugees used to live, efforts made by Kurdish authorities to better the refugees' situation, negotiations among European countries and USA about the refugees' future, problematic situation of women and children in the camps (the only newspaper where such issues are discussed). The absent themes are: any kind of any mention of the attitude of the Syrian or Turkish authorities towards refugees from their perspective, mention of repatriation programs (other than those related to the deportation of refugees from Turkey), information on the restoration of settlements and infrastructure for refugees, and other themes not related to Kurdish-Turkish relations. Thus, the refugee problem is considered by journalists from the point of view of relations between Turkey and Kurdistan, and all topics not connected with this are not in the focus of attention.

In contrast to the previous newspapers that we examined, in ANHA refugees in half of the cases play an activated role (and they are staying at the first position in the sentence, which highlights the active role of refugees in the events), where they themselves talk about their problems and blame the Turkish authorities for their situation or ask humanitarian organization for help. The one displaced person says:

“About a month ago, we did not receive any cleaning materials, and humanitarian organizations ignore our demands, especially in times of epidemics. We do not have any capabilities to purchase these items from the market…” “Tel- Abyed Refugees Demand from Humanitarian Orgs to Provide Health Support - ANHA | HAWARNEWS | English,” www.hawarnews.com, accessed May 7, 2020, http://www.hawarnews.com/en/haber/tel-abyed-refugees-demand-from-humanitarian-orgs-to-provide-health-support-h15566.html.

“…the refugees preferred to remain in the camp over return, due to the lack of security and safety there…” “???????Al-Arisha Refugees Prefer to Settle in Camp Instead of Their Cities Which Lost Safety - ANHA | HAWARNEWS | English,” www.hawarnews.com, accessed May 7, 2020, http://www.hawarnews.com/en/haber/al-arisha-refugees-prefer-to-settle-in-camp-instead-of-their-cities-which-lost-safety-h15050.html.

However, for the most part, the words and statements of refugees have negative connotation, which emphasizes twice in the articles - once by voicing the problems of refugees themselves, the source of which is most often military aggression from Turkey, and the second time by an actor himself/herself, who is associated with the negative situation in the region. In other cases, when refugees play a passivated role, they are represented as victims who cannot be responsible for their fate and are completely dependent on external circumstances or as instruments to emphasize the catastrophic effects of a Turkish military operation in northern Syria, as in example:

“Erdogan blackmails Europe with refugees - the deal between the European Union and Turkey must end now...” “ÏÇÚÔ ÃßÈÑ ãÓÊÝíÏ ãä ÇáÇäÓÍÇÈ ÇáÃãÑíßí æãØÇáÈÇÊ ÈÅäåÇÁ ÇáÇÊÝÇÞ ÇáÃæÑæÈí ÇáÊÑßí Íæá ÇááÇÌÆíä - ANHA | HAWARNEWS | ÇáÚÑÈíÉ,” www.hawarnews.com, accessed May 7, 2020, http://www.hawarnews.com/ar/haber/daash-akbr-mstfyd-mn-alanshab-alamryky-wmtalbat-binhaa-alatfaq-alawrwby-altrky-hwl-allajeyn-h25573.html.

The genericasion could be illustrated by use of the words without articles in plural or in singular with definite article of without it, or by use of habitual presence tense van Leeuwen, `The Representation of Social Actors', 47-48.. In all the articles, excluding those with interviews, refugees, IDPs and returnees are represented in a generalized way.

“…the decisions taken in this regard are "the return of women and children from northern and eastern Syria…” “How Will Syrian Refugees Be Repatriated? - ANHA | HAWARNEWS | English,” hawarnews.com, accessed May 7, 2020, http://hawarnews.com/en/haber/how-will-syrian-refugees-be-repatriated-h9189.html.

For articles of ANHA assimilation of refugees is more frequent than individualization. Even though individual refugees are endowed with certain specific traits, these traits are typical of the entire group that they represent, such as being a displaced person. The refuges and returnees are represented in their functioning role (refugee or returnee) without any mention of their other features, even sex or place they came from. They fulfill their main function - to tell about their situation in a Kurdish refugee camp and explain why they are there (due to the actions of the Turkish, most often, or Syrian military forces).

In other words, the representation of refugees and repatriates in ANHA is directly dependent on the target audience. Refugees play an active role in English-language articles, although they are presented as victims, they have their own position and requirements, in contrast to Arabic-language articles, where refugees are represented as a group. Also, as in all other articles studied, the representations allow us to illustrate the ideology of the journalists, in this case, its anti-Turkish orientation. To achieve this, journalists use the image of a refugee as a representation of the cruel actions of the Turkish state. In this case, the refugees are represented as a group without any specific traits. It is worth noting that Kurdish news sources do not use repatriates as a tool for their own positive self-representation.

4.3 Comparison of all the studied newspapers

One of the most obvious similarities in the representation of repatriates and refugees among the four studied newspapers is the use of the image of a refugee as a tool for ideologization of their own policies. In the case of state-controlled newspapers, this is a positive self-representation after the civil war and legitimization of the current policy on reconstruction and repatriation. The independent newspaper Enab Baladi uses refugees to uncover the crimes of the "Syrian regime", which it is actively opposing. The Kurdish news agency ANHA, by including refugees in the notion of "us", demonstrates the consequences of the hostilities of Turkey and Turkish-backed militants. All of these clearly

Also, in all newspapers, journalists avoid certain topics, in particular, issues related to the reintegration of refugees, the positions of the parties that a newspaper does not support, regarding repatriation, and others.

Basically, all topics dedicated to refugees and repatriates have a negative connotation and are related to refugee problems. Only in the case of the Tishreen newspaper are refugees represented in a positive way, since their return is connected with state policy.

Also, in all newspapers, with the exception of the Kurdish one, refugees and repatriates are represented as passive actors and they are clearly susceptible to prejudices related to the inability of returnees to control their fate. The only active action they do is being a refugee or a repatriate.

In all the newspapers studied, repatriates are represented in a collectivist way, as a group devoid of any individual qualities. The newspaper Enab Baladi more likely tends to individualize the representation of the repatriate, however, through the perspective of each individual story, the journalist shows the problems of a group of people. Moreover, it is the only newspaper which uses surveys to verify the conclusions made by journalists in their articles, which could also serve as an example of a representation in a generalized way.

If we focus on the differences between these four newspapers, we can notice that state-owned newspapers are the only ones which represent the wish of returnees to come back to Syria and use only vague mentions of mass destructions in the country. Kurds and Enab Baladi, on the contrary, emphasize the refuse of the refugees to repatriate in the destroyed by war country or regions.

In other words there are many similarities among the all the newspapers in representation of the repatriates, as well as certain crucial differences caused by the difference in the ideologies of journalists. There was not a single article that would stand out of the certain ideological framework. All newspapers represent frames, beneficial to the public elites controlling the newspaper, so, we can say that there definitely is power abuse against repatriates, expressed in their representation.

5. Survey's analysis

As a part of the thesis the survey among Syrians was conducted. We managed to collect 100 responses from people living both in Syria and abroad, of which 66 answers were received to an open question regarding attitudes towards repatriation. The survey involved 57 men and 43 women aged 19 to 67 years.

To answer the question about the effectiveness of the impact of the media on the people of Syria, we need to understand how many people use newspapers as a source of information. According to our survey, not so many - only 2%, however, around 30% receive information from news agencies. At the same time, to the question “If you selected newspapers as the main source of information in the previous question, what newspapers are these?” people, who answered that they prefer news agencies, listed the names of various newspapers among them. This may indicate confusion and interchangeability regarding online newspapers, news agencies, online news channels, so theoretically 30% of the responses could be summed up with those 2%. Thus, about a third of Syrians read newspapers in one form or another, which is a fairly high rate (according to C. Phillips the readership among Syrians is only one in 360 concerning the most popular newspaper - Al-Thawra Christopher Phillips, Everyday Arab Identity: The Daily Reproduction of the Arab World (Routledge, 2013), 73.). It means that at some cognitive point the Syrian newspapers can influence Syrians' believes.

The results of the survey illustrate the positive attitude among Syrians toward repatriates. More than a half of respondents (52%) positively assess the decision of the Syrians to leave their homeland during the war: 34% - positive and 18% - extremely positive. We see even higher percentage (64%) of those who positively assess their decision to return, with 36% chose “positive” and 28% - “extremely positive”. The possible explanation for this was given by one of the respondents: “The return of Syrian refugees to their country is an important step for the restoration of Syria”.

Syrians do not consider the refugees as “traitors”. Only 7% agree that those who fled Syria had betrayed their home land, while only 8% consider the possibility of the punishment for such a decision. It could be connected with the fear that those who return under the guise of returnees may be a terrorist. In this regard, here are two answers:

“A person who has left the country is either afraid for his family, or has been affected somehow, or does not feel that the country he is protecting provides him with decent living conditions, or is he just a traitor. It is good that the refugees return only if they are not traitors, for the betrayer will betray him twice.”

“I believe that only civilian refugees should return to their homeland, those who did not direct weapons against the Syrian state so that they took part in the construction of Syria.”

Another important point to underline is the wish of Syrians to receive assistance from the Syrian government in order to encourage people to come back. 77% of respondents believe that the state should make efforts to return refugees to their homeland. These efforts could take the form of monetary assistance (8% consider this as a winning policy), assistance in getting a job (26%), and in repairing and providing housing (52%). The most important and sensitive point for Syrians is the restoration of housing in the country, as during the civil war many buildings were completely destroyed. According to UN research (cited by Enab Baladi), the most devastated region in Syria is Aleppo. Only there 4,773 buildings were completely ruined, 14,680 were severely damaged, and in total 35,722 buildings were damaged `Syria Disintegrating: Where Do Refugees Return?', Enab Baladi, 19 September 2019, https://english.enabbaladi.net/archives/2019/09/syria-disintegrating-where-do-refugees-return/.. Such massive destruction of the country poses a serious issue for the state and its citizens to restore it. As rightly one of the respondents points out: “It is necessary to return the refugees to their homeland. A country cannot be built by anyone except its indigenous people”.

At the end of the survey 2 if-questions were asked to reveal the respondents' believes and to check whether the attitude towards the repatriates will change if, for example, the respondent's neighbor turns out to be such a repatriate. The first one is “Imagine that your refugee neighbor asked you for help, would you help him?” and the second one is “If you find out that your refugee neighbor receives monetary repatriation assistance, how do you feel about this?” Most of the respondents answered positively to these questions. In the first case, “yes” answered 80% of respondents, in the second case, “this is a good thing” answered 62%.

However, in these questions other options for the answer are also worthy of attention in the analysis. In the first question, “yes, but reluctantly” chose 10%. Given the preponderance of the answer "yes" 80%, this answer looks insignificant. In the second question, 29% of respondents answered “it doesn't matter to me”, which, like the first question, may indicate an indifferent attitude of the respondents to the status of a neighbor. This statement corresponds with a conclusion from my previous paper: “the attitude towards former refugees is going to change after the end of the war. For most people it is a very sensitive matter, so, they will try to forget it” Demidova, `The Images of Repatriates in State Media of Syria (2011-2019)', 16..

Thus, all of the respondents support the idea of repatriation, however, point out the necessity of resolving the political crisis and end the war in order to achieve the necessary conditions for return: political stability, security, social conditions, etc. Some of the respondents “do not recommend” to return.

The unity among most of the respondents could be illustrated by using the same metaphors of family and home in order to express the feelings about the homeland and emphasize the connection between Syria and its “children”, the sense of belonging:

“Syria needs its sons to be reborn again”

“Homeland is a mother. Every citizen should feel safe within its borders just as every child should feel protected in the arms of his mother.”

“The road home is more beautiful than the house itself”.

It should be noted that despite the fact that all the respondents are Syrians, they referred to the refugees as “they”, even though all of them are citizens of one country and 16% are refugees themselves. Respondents distance themselves from refugees, who are now perceived as outsiders who have lost their national identity. They can return it only by coming back to their homeland and participating in the restoration of Syria. It could be illustrated by the examples:

“Refugees need to return to Syria, because the homeland needs them in order for the economy to become viable again”,

“I support the return of citizens who are interested in rebuilding the country, and against those who destroy Syria, whose goal is discord”.

To answer the question of whether the ideology of newspapers affects the perception of returnees, it was necessary to divide respondents by region and determine which newspapers are distributed there. According to map of military influence “Map of Military Influence in Syria 01-01-2020,” accessed May 11, 2020, https://jusoor.co/details/Map%20of%20military%20influence%20in%20Syria%2001-01-2020/532/en. Turkey-backed forces and Turkish military are mostly deployed in Northern Syria in such governorates as Idlib, Aleppo, Raqqa and Al-Hasakah, where also Kurds have founded their autonomy territory (incl. governorate Deir ez-Zor). Other territories are mostly controlled by government forces.

During the analysis, it was possible to establish a correlation between the place of residence and the attitude to the repatriation process. Those people who live in territories where active military operations are being carried out in the north of the country (where Turkish and Kurdish forces are present) react negatively to the decision of the refugees to return to their homeland, because, in their opinion, there is “suffering” waiting for them. Almost 70% of these people also refused to answer the question about their attitude to the returnees.

In the process of analysis, unfortunately, it was not possible to establish a connection between newspapers and the influence of their ideology on the attitude of Syrian residents to returnees due to insufficient sampling. Most of the respondents were from the central regions of the country, which are completely subordinate to Damascus. Their position is fully consistent with the position of state newspapers - supporting the return for the reconstruction and “flourishing of Syria”.

Conclusion

After analyzing two types of Syrian newspapers (governmental and opposition) it could be noted that the representation of repatriates and refugees is closely connected with the ideology of the newspaper itself.

In state-controlled newspapers the refugees are represented in a positive way: they are smiling willing to return to their houses. It is the depiction of the B. Assad's words about welcoming all people who left Syria during the civil war.

In the most cases the repatriates are described as a homogeneous group without any specific characteristics which serves as a tool to emphasize the achievements of the Syrian government in rebuilding the country. The linguistic features (repetition, positive connotation of the words, stylistic figures) are mostly ideological and serving the same purpose.

However, it was noticed that there is a contradiction between the representatives of the authorities mentioned in the text and the repatriates. Hence, it could be argued that the statements made by the power-holders referring to the refugees as “traitors” and “cowards” could be proven by using CDA regardless the official position Demidova, `The Images of Repatriates in State Media of Syria (2011-2019)', 22..

The Turkey-affiliated Enab Baladi represents the repatriates also in a collectivistic way, but put more emphasis on their individual stories and problems connected with the repatriation process. However, the representation of refugees takes the form of their victimization in order to show in a negative way the activities of the B. Assad regime and those countries that support it in one form or another (in particular, Russia and Lebanon).

Kurdish Hawar News Ahency (ANHA) in their representation of refugees and repatriates used the same tools as in the aforementioned newspapers to achieve their goals, namely, exposing the actions of Turkey in an unfavorable light. The Kurds actively used the dichotomy “us” - “them”, and the “us” also included refugees who were referred to as to victims. It is also worth noting that the repatriates and refugees in ANHA are represented in the most active role, and thus they are deprived of the prejudices associated with their lack of will and lack of rights.

One of the main differences between state-controlled and opposition newspapers is the emotional character of the articles. In the governmental newspapers, all news have positive character, while in the opposition it is negative. This difference was confirmed in the results of the survey conducted for the research, where respondents located in territories controlled by Kurds or Turks were much more likely to oppose the decision of refugees to repatriate.

The survey has also shown that the respondents consider refugees as outsiders and as those who do not belong to Syrian identity anymore. From the Syrian perspective, the refugees should repatriate and participate in restoration work in order to become a part of Syria again. During the survey, several restrictions of the research were also identified. Unfortunately, it was not possible to collect a sufficient number of samples, especially from the southern and eastern regions of the country, to draw accurate conclusions about the power of influence of a particular newspaper on readers, depending on the region of their residence.

The findings of this research can contribute to the field of media representation in general as well as help for better understanding the situation in Syria concerning this group of people. Moreover, the results of the study seem to be the most scientifically important, since they allow obtaining data directly from people about their attitude to various issues of social policy from the territory where the civil war is still going on.

From a practical point of view, the results of the study are also valuable. The Russian Federation is actively involved in the political, economic and social life of Syria, including the fact that Russia is one of the organizers of the refugee repatriation program. The results of the research can help to build both the media coverage of this issue, and to understand what needs may arise and how the citizens will perceive the returnees in certain territories.

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98. ÕÍíÝÉ ÊÔÑíä (Tishreen newspaper). `ÚæÏÉ ÚÔÑÇÊ ÇáÚÇÆáÇÊ ÚÈÑ ããÑ ÃÈæ ÇáÖåæÑ ãä ãäÇØÞ ÇäÊÔÇÑ ÇáÅÑåÇÈííä ÈÑíÝ ÅÏáÈ (Dozens of families return through the Abu Dahour Corridor from the terrorist areas in Idlib countryside)', 25 September 2018. http://tishreen.news.sy/?p=222047.

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Appendices

Appendix 1

The questionnaire This is an English version, original is in Arabic language

Dear friends!

I am a student of political science and I am conducting a survey as part of my master's research on the problems of repatriates in Syria. I kindly ask you to fill out the form. It will take only 5 minutes of your time. The survey is confidential and all information will be used only for scientific purposes. Thank you.

1. Sex

o Male

o Female

2. Age ___________

3. What is your place of residence?

o Aleppo

o Al-Hasakah

o As-Suwaida

o Damascus

o Daraa

o Deir ez-Zor

o Hama

o Homs

o Idlib

o Latakia

o Quneitra

o Raqqa

o Rif Dimashq governorate

o Tartus

o Other____

4. What information sources do you use?

o Newspapers (both online and printed)

o TV

o Radio

o Social networks

o Friends and relatives

o News websites

5. If you chose newspapers, which one? _____

6. Your social status/occupation

o Refugee/repatriate

o Working

o Studying

o I don't have a job at the moment

7. How do you feel about the Syrians who decided to leave the country during the military actions in the country?

o Extremely negative

o Negative

o Extremely positive

o Positive

o It doesn't matter to me

8. How do you feel about the Syrians who decided to return to the liberated territories?

o Extremely negative

o Negative

o Extremely positive

...