Problems in translation of idioms and proverbs

The text chosen for translation ("Les Loukoums chez l'Arabe') is an extract from La Premiиre Gorgйe de Biиre et autres Plaisirs Minuscules (L'Arpenteur, 1998) by the prize-winning French author, Philippe Delerm. It is a self-contained chapter of a collection of similar extracts where the author's intention to present certain aspects of French life in a lyrical way presents matter for thought both culturally and linguistically. The subject matter is centred around thoughts on Turkish Delight and the Arab shop where this sweet can be bought, thus introducing not only French, but North African cultural aspects. Reflections on the subject, action and dialogue are all presented in the same narrative form where the voice of the author is omnipresent. The text contains several culturally-specific words and notions whose implications for translation merit attention.

It has already been noted that the text in this case is surely intended for "an educated, middle-class readership" and, more specifically, a French one with knowledge of the foreign cultural aspects implied. The problems when translating such a text are therefore not only of a purely lexical character but also of an equally fundamental nature - the understanding of a social, economic, political and cultural context as well as connotative aspects of a more semantic character. As with all texts of foreign literature, historical, political and other such cultural references are always of a certain importance and the TT reader is unlikely to have a full understanding of such notions. When considering the cultural implications for translation, the extent to which it is necessary for the translator to explain or complete such an information gap should be taken into account; on the basis of conclusions reached concerning the ideal TT reader, the translator should decide how much may be left for the reader to simply infer.

Taking these last points into consideration, different elements will be discussed in relation to their cultural implications for translation. The different aforementioned theories will be considered and their relative pertinence examined.

Adapting Nida, Newmark places "foreign cultural words" in several categories (Newmark 1988:95-102). Following these categories, in the text "Les Loukoums chez l'Arabe," the examples leading to cultural implications for translation may be classed essentially as material culture, and as gestures and habits although other cultural terms are also present. These aspects may be translated in different ways according to their role in the text and the aims for the TT reader. Newmark also states the relevance of componential analysis in translation "as a flexible but orderly method of bridging the numerous lexical gaps, both linguistic and cultural, between one language and another" (Newmark, 1988:123). The two orientations in translation examined by Nida, namely formal or dynamic equivalence, should also be considered when analysing the cultural implications for translation of elements in these categories.

"Food is for many the most sensitive and important expression of national culture; food terms are subject to the widest variety of translation procedures" [P. Newmark, “Textbook of translation” 1988 p.97]. The terms coming under this category are further complicated due to the "foreign" elements present. One such case is the reference to the brightly coloured pвtisseries tunisiennes (l.17). Translating according to the French idea of pвtisseries would imply using the English "cakes" or "pastries" yet in the context of Tunisian culture this hardly seems appropriate bearing in mind the difference in form of the TL reference. This illustrates the theory developed by Mounin (1963) who underlines the importance of the signification of a lexical item claiming that only if this notion is considered will the translated item fulfil its function correctly. In this case the translation as "sweets" seems to correspond to the idea of the original signification, even if it is a more abstract translation of the French original, and is therefore more appropriate concerning its function in the TT than a translation of formal equivalence.

Another example of material culture includes an eponym, namely bouteilles de Sidi Brahim (l.42). In France this low-quality, Algerian wine is widely known and is the traditional drink with North African dishes, therefore widely sold in supermarkets as well as this type of small shop. This example can be seen as corresponding to the new ideal reader as described by Coulthard, having different cultural knowledge as an English-speaking reader would not necessarily know the name of this wine and even less its associations. By using strictly formal equivalence, all meaning would be lost. It would however be possible to neutralise the original term Sidi Brahim by translating as "wine" or else to introduce a form of componential analysis, translating as "cheap, Algerian wine." Sidi Brahim being the area where the wine is produced, it seems appropriate to keep the original term in the TT but it is necessary to add a qualifier, here "wine." In this way, although the cultural implications are not so strong as for an "initiated" French reader, the information is passed on and elucidated by a qualifier. The cultural implications automatically understood by the ST reader, namely the notion of cheap, low-quality wine, are not however conveyed, the emphasis in this context being on the exotic nature of the product as conveyed by Sidi Brahim and not on the low cost.

Newmark points out that gestures and habits are "often described in 'non-cultural' language" (Newmark, 1988:103). In this extract many gestures and habits are implied yet not specifically described thus making an entirely communicative translation difficult. Once again, these are cultural references which imply a certain knowledge of the way of life of the North African community in France and of the attitudes towards it.

North African men, often working in groups, are often caricatured by the French as being crafty. As well as this, the popular French expression "un travail d'Arabe" used to describe work that has been poorly done further explains popular attitudes. Due to linguistic and cultural factors, lower class Algerian and Moroccan men appear overtly servile in French society. All of these factors are inherently present in the text, yet their full cultural significance is difficult to portray without such background knowledge.

The possible lack of cultural knowledge of the TT reader implies translating in a way so as to clearly convey notions which may otherwise go unnoticed. The proposed translation of "obligeance" as "obsequiousness" may overemphasise the strength of the original ST term yet the mockingly over-servile attitude aimed at being conveyed by the author is respected. When explaining certain principles of dynamic equivalence, Nida states that "the emotional tone must accurately reflect the point of view of the author" [P. Nida, “Textbook of translation” 1964 p.139]. Newmark's definition of compensation, being "when loss of meaning...in one part of a sentence is compensated in another part" may seem relevant here. By translating in this way, although culturally implicit translation loss is inevitable here, a form of dynamic equivalence through compensation is adopted in order to counterbalance such loss and seems an appropriate way of conveying cultural implications present in the ST.

The expression d'aprиs le cafй also needs further explanation. In French society, this would immediately be understood as the time after the small expresso coffee drunk at the end of a meal. As Sapir claims, "no two languages are ever sufficiently similar to be considered as representing the same social reality" (Sapir, 1956:69), and even a lexical item seen as having an apparently simple translation (here, cafй =coffee) may have a considerably different signification. The emphasis given by Nida on a TT having to produce the same response as the original (Nida, 1964) encourages the addition of "mealtime" as does the aforementioned theory developed by Mounin. In this way, the lexical function is transferred as far as possible in the TT as are the ST cultural connotations.

Three examples of potentially opaque cultural references for the TT reader may be found in the text. The first of these is "un Berbиre а petit beret bleu." The author regrets not finding a typical Berber shopkeeper each time he goes into an Arab shop, a notion full of cultural meaning given the context of French colonisation of Algeria and Arab immigration yet of no great cultural significance for the TT reader. The slightly ironic touch portrayed by the image of a typical Berber man wearing the classic symbol of a Frenchman, namely a blue beret, may not be entirely lost on a TT reader yet without understanding the historical and cultural background the depth of the irony of comic paradox may be lost. It does not however seem appropriate to explore Nida's theory of dynamic equivalence by replacing this image with a TL equivalent as the cultural implications here are extremely specific. The text-type as well as the definition of the ideal TT reader and his motivations may imply preferring the use of transference or formal equivalence despite translation loss concerning cultural implications.

Secondly, the term "kabyle" must be considered. This is another reference which has strongly attached associations due to the same cultural and historical factors and the meaning is only fully understandable if these associations are known. A literal translation of the text would be "...where even the red piles of coca-cola cans have taken on a small, Kabyle look." An educated French reader would have enough knowledge of Algerian problems to instantly associate Kabylia with a fiercely independent community which has always refused to be influenced culturally, linguistically and politically by the surrounding countries despite great pressure. A communicative approach implies an explanation of this cultural reference and may be obtained by the addition of explanatory adjectives in the TT, thus translating as "...even the red piles of coca-cola cans have taken on that fiercely independent Kabyle look." This potential solution is not a direct translation of the ST, however it enables the TT reader to approach the cultural reference in a more meaningful way, yet again illustrating Nida's concern that a TT should produce the same response as the original.

Lastly, the term "boйtien" needs consideration. Transferring this term using formal equivalence would have little cultural effect on an English-speaking reader and be of no value considering the text-type and the definition of the ideal TT reader. Indeed, Boeotians in Antique periods were considered to be a nation of rough peasants lacking in culture. In French the term bйotien maintains this concept and although the adjective could be translated formally as "Boeotian," the true sense would be lacking in the TT. The cultural implications for translation require a full understanding of the notion rather than an emphasis on the original SL reference. In this case an appropriate translation would consider the use of a cultural equivalent and the term "philistine" could be used to represent a similar cultural concept.

Schleiermacher's essay On the Different Methods of Translation, in which he differentiates between translation and interpretation, was considered to be the first methodical examination of translation in the modern times.

He affirms that:

Interpreting belongs to the realm of business, commerce and science where the communication of facts over the use of language and the subjectivity of the author is emphasized. Translation rests primarily in the realm of philosophy and literature, where the use of language and notions of style and intention are of paramount importance [Translation and Culture, Kathering M. Faull, p.15]

He is one of the first theorists of translation to imply that a translator cannot simply find an equivalent in the target language, but he must keep the linguistic and cultural context from the original text in the translated one "as great an extent as possible". He insists that aspects of the original language to be included in the target language, in order to improve it.

Also, in Schleiermacher's opinion, the translator must either concentrate to move the reader towards the author or must try to move the author towards the reader. He is aware of the fact that it is impossible to have a perfect translation for every word, but the translator must try to reproduce the particularities of the original text and its musicality.

It is true that the "foreignizing" method of translation proposed by Schleiermacher is a dangerous method and can make the translated text more impossible to be understood by the reader, but, unfortunately, this is a risk that culture must face. The critic Antoine Berman, a translator of Schleiermacher supports this idea saying that:

The very aim of translation- to open up in writing a certain relation with the Other, to fertilize what is one's Own through the meditation of what is Foreign- is diametrically opposed to the ethnocentric structure of every culture, that species of narcissism by which every society wants to be a pure and unadulterated Whole [Trans and Culture, p. 17]

The way we translate is determined mostly by how we view the original text which is also determined by the value the text will have for the target reader. When translating a text, the translator must take into consideration the political and cultural influence of the translation as well. Translation, like every cultural practice, includes the creation of values, may them be linguistic, religious, political, commercial or educational.

Lately, there has been a change in translation studies, from linguistically oriented methods to culturally oriented ones. In Germany, linguists show their concerns with viewing translation less as a linguistic process and more as a cultural one. Other linguists, on the other hand, argue that language is viewed as rooted in culture in such a way that the meaning of any linguistic entry can be correctly understood only with reference to the cultural context enveloping it. Therefore, translation cannot be fully understood without making reference to cultural aspects.

During 1960s Translation science began to be considered a discipline in the countries with German speakers. It would concentrate completely on the linguistic characteristics of the translation process and product. In 1963, the scholar Otto Kade introduced the term Translation as referring to both translation and interpretation.

In The name and nature of translation studies, James Holmes developed six main kinds of translation theories. One of them, "the medium-restricted translation studies" were subdivided into theories of translation "as performed by humans, as performed by computers and as performed by the two in conjunction" [Translation studies: “Perspectives on an emerging discipline”, p. 7].

Conclusion on the chapter 1

In this study, translation in general, translational problems and mainly translation strategies were described, and different theories of translation strategies were mentioned. It was shown that different theorists suggest various definitions of translation strategies according to their different perspectives. Moreover, it was mentioned that Baker (1992) lists the most applicable set of strategies. She does not just name the strategies, but she also shows the application of each.

In the conclusion generally speaking, it seems that the procedures 'functional equivalent' and 'notes' would have a higher potential for conveying the concepts underlying the CSCs embedded in a text; moreover, it can be claimed that a combination of these strategies would result in a more accurate understanding of the CSCs than other procedures.

Various strategies opted for by translators in rendering allusions seem to play a crucial role in recognition and perception of connotations carried by them. If a novice translator renders a literary text without paying adequate attention to the allusions, the connotations are likely not to be transferred as a result of the translator's failure to acknowledge them. They will be entirely lost to the majority of the TL readers; consequently, the translation will be ineffective.

It seems necessary for an acceptable translation to produce the same (or at least similar) effects on the TT readers as those created by the original work on its readers. This paper may show that a translator does not appear to be successful in his challenging task of efficiently rendering the CSCs and PNs when he sacrifices, or at least minimizes, the effect of allusions in favor of preserving graphical or lexical forms of source language PNs. In other words, a competent translator is wll-advised not to deprive the TL reader of enjoying, or even recognizing, the allusions either in the name of fidelity or brevity.

It can be claimed that the best translation method seems to be the one which allows translator to utilize 'notes.' Furthermore, employing 'notes' in the translation, both as a translation strategy and a translation procedure, seems to be indispensable.



Chapter II. Reflection of culture in the language

The power of language to reflect culture and influence thinking was first proposed by an American linguist and anthropologist, Edward Sapir (1884-1939), and his student, Benjamin Whorf (1897-1941). The Sapir-Whorf hypothesis stated that the way we think and view the world is determined by our language (Anderson & Lightfoot, 2002; Crystal, 1987; Hayes, Ornstein, & Gage, 1987). Instances of cultural language differences are evidenced in that some languages have specific words for concepts whereas other languages use several words to represent a specific concept. For example, the Arabic language includes many specific words for designating a certain type of horse or camel (Crystal, 1987). To make such distinctions in English, where specific words do not exist, adjectives would be used preceding the concept label, such as quarter horse or dray horse.

The relationship between language and culture is deeply rooted. Language is used to maintain and convey culture and cultural ties. Different ideas stem from differing language use within one's culture and the whole intertwining of these relationships start at one's birth.

When an infant is born, it is not unlike any other infant born, in fact, quite similar. It is not until the child is exposed to their surroundings that they become individuals in and of their cultural group. This idea, which describes all people as similar at birth, has been around for thousands of years and was discussed by Confucius as recorded in the book by his followers, Analects (Xu, 1997). From birth, the child's life, opinions, and language are shaped by what it comes in contact with. Brooks (1968) argues that physically and mentally everyone is the same, while the interactions between persons or groups vary widely from place to place. Patterns which emerge from these group behaviours and interactions will be approved of, or disapproved of. Behaviours which are acceptable will vary from location to location (Brooks, 1968) thus forming the basis of different cultures. It is from these differences that one's view of the world is formed. Hantrais (1989) puts forth the idea that culture is the beliefs and practices governing the life of a society for which a particular language is the vehicle of expression. Therefore, everyone's views are dependent on the culture which has influenced them, as well as being described using the language which has been shaped by that culture. The understanding of a culture and its people can be enhanced by the knowledge of their language. This brings us to an interesting point brought up by Emmitt and Pollock (1997), who argue that even though people are brought up under similar behavioural backgrounds or cultural situations but however speak different languages, their world view may be very different. As Sapir-Whorf argues, different thoughts are brought about by the use of different forms of language. One is limited by the language used to express one's ideas. Different languages will create different limitations, therefore a people who share a culture but speak different languages, will have different world views. Still, language is rooted in culture and culture is reflected and passed on by language from one generation to the next (Emmitt & Pollock1997).

From this, one can see that learning a new language involves the learning of a new culture. Consequently, teachers of a language are also teachers of culture.

The implications of language being completely entwined in culture, in regards for language teaching and language policy are far reaching. Language teachers must instruct their students on the cultural background of language usage, choose culturally appropriate teaching styles, and explore culturally based linguistic differences to promote understanding instead of misconceptions or prejudices. Language policy must be used to create awareness and understandings of cultural differences, and written to incorporate the cultural values of those being taught.

2.1 Problems in translation of idioms and proverbs

Translation of idioms

Translation of idioms from one language to another inevitably involves the theory of equivalence in translation especially when target and source languages belong to different language groups. This exactly phenomena happens the moment we try to translate from English, Kyrgyz and Russian languages. Equivalence can be said to be the central issue in translation although its definition, relevance, and applicability within the field of translation theory have caused heated controversy, and many different theories of the concept of equivalence have been elaborated within this field in the past fifty years.

According to our observation there were noticed incomplete equivalents of English Body Idioms in Kyrgyz and Russian. The incompletely equivalents of idioms is when English, Russian and Kyrgyz idioms coincide with meaning, expressiveness, style nuance, but having change in component and morphological structure. But by comparison of inter languages incomplete corresponding equivalents, the opinions of scientists are differences. So the Russian linguist A.V. Kunin classifying the idioms by different ways of translations in ЇEnglish Russian phraseological dictionary? singles out three types of incomplete equivalents.1. Russian phraseological equivalents of English idioms coinciding by their meanings, stylistic directions and figurativeness, but distinguishing by their lexical components.2. Russian phraseological equivalents of English idioms coinciding by their meanings, stylistic directions, but having some differences in number and in order of words.3. Russian phraseological equivalents of English idioms coinciding by their meanings, stylistic directions, but distinguishing by their figurativeness. The classification of A.V. Kunin distinguishing by its clarity and deeper studying in theoretically and practical ratio, stood the longer examination of time and till nowadays is served as pattern of phraseological classifications for other languages. One of the first research devoted to the translations of idioms in Turkic languages is the work of Tatar linguist K.B. Bairamova (2., p.68-69). In her work she compared the Russian -Tatar idioms, singled out two types of incomplete corresponding equivalents.

1. Russian phraseological equivalents, coinciding with Tatar idioms by meanings, but distinguishing by some components.

Russian and Tatar idioms corresponding by components, but distinguishing by volume of the meanings. Also other scientists expressed their opinions and they are all in different meanings. In spite these conclusions are the bases for characterization of incomplete phraseological equivalents corresponding different languages. We join to the opinions of scientists and understand that the idioms of two or more languages coincide by their meanings, but distinguish by their lexical components. For examples:

1. My fingers itch - у меня руки чешутся - колу кычышуу.

2. one's hair stood on end - волосы дыбом встают - чачы тик туруу/чачы ?рпой??

As shows the first idiom that in English language the finger but in Russian and Kyrgyz languages рука and кол itch. From second idioms we see that the distinguishing components of each languages idiom give increasing meanings to

Їthe conditions of fright?.

As showed the examples by the complete semantic correspondence, some idioms of English, Russian and Kyrgyz languages distinguish from each other by their lexical components. These differences not change the meaning of idioms, but increase the figurativeness and expressiveness of idioms. The incomplete equivalents of English somatic idioms in Russian and Kyrgyz languages:

- from the bottom of the heart - от всей души- ж?р?г?н?н кайнап чыкк,

- the weight seems to fall from somebody's shoulders -камень с души свалился - ж?р?г? б?кс?р? т?ш??.

- to have one's heart in one's mouth (throat) - душа в пятки уходит- ж?р?г? оозуна тыгылуу,

- an eye-opener - глаза на лоб лезут- к?з? чанагынан чыгуу,

- turn a deaf ear to somebody- пропускать мимо ушей - кулагынын сыртынанкет??

- with one's nose in the air - задирать нос- мурдунк?т?р??

- to have lost one's tongue -язык проглотить-тилин жутуу

- the word is on the tip of my tongue - на языке вертится-тилинин учунда туруу

- wag ones tongue - языком трепетать-тили менен орок оруу

- keep one's tongue between one's teeth, прикусить язык-тилин тиштоо,

- -one's hair stood on end -волосы дыбом встают-чачы тик туруу/чачы ?рпой??,

- know something like the back of your hand - знать как свои пять пальцев - беш колундай бил??

- My fingers itch - у меня руки чешутся - колу кычышуу.

- not to lay (to put) a finger on smb. - и пальцем не тронуть - чекеге черте албоо.

The completely equivalents of idioms is when English, Russian and Kyrgyz somatic idioms coincide with meanings, expressiveness, style nuance, but having unimportant change in component and morphological structure. In the capacity of examples can be served following somatic idioms in English, Russian and Kyrgyz languages.

Right hand-правая рука-о? кол Face to face - лицом к лицу-бетме бет

Stony heart -каменное сердце-таштай (таш) ж?р?к.

Bloodforblood-кровь за кровь-канга кан

In first example used the somatic idioms right hand which transfer into Russian and Kyrgyz languages with the help of such idioms правя рука and о? кол. These idioms are complete equivalents of English idiom right hand, because they have the same meaning Їmain assistant, whom can trust. Thus, English somatic idioms right hand absolutely coincide with Russian and Kyrgyz equivalents правя рука and о? кол, which identify by its semantic meaning, components, figurativeness and stylistic direction. The somatic English idiom stony heart completely coincide with idioms каменное сердце and таштай (таш) ж?р?к with all indications, which stated above, besides gender categories which absence in English and Kyrgyz languages. For example: -She is not a person to go to if you have got problems- she has got a stony heart. Если у тебя проблемы, не стоит к ней обращаться - у нее каменное сердце. - Эгер сен кыйын абалда болсон, анда ага кайрылуунун кажети жок - анынж?р?г? таш Usually such set expressions (idioms) have a complete equivalents, which based on general regularity`s development of people`s thought, reflect general vital and different psychological situation for all nations, and that is why can exist independently from each other in various languages with the same logical meaning as result of syntactical free word combinations. (18., p 46).The completely equivalents of English, Russian and Kyrgyz somatic idioms:

1. to have a good head on one's shoulders

- иметь свою голову на плечах - ийнинде башы бар

2. Open one's eyes to something - открыть глаза - к?з?н ачуу

3. Show clean pair of heels - удирать так, что пятки и сверкают - таманынжылтыратуу.

In first example somatic English idiom to have a good head on one's shoulders has its equivalents in Russian иметь свою голову на плечах and in Kyrgyz ийнинде башы бар. These idioms are also complete phraseological equivalents, because they identical meaning Ї a sensible and realistic person. Let consider it in example: Don`t worry about him. He is adventurous but he has a good head on one`s shoulders - Не беспокойтесь о нем. он любит приключений, но у него есть головане плечах - Ал ж?нунд? к?п ойлонбо. Ал саякатты жакшы к?р?т,бирок анынийнинде башы бар. So the English idiom to have a good head on one's shoulders is coincides with Russian and Kyrgyz equivalents, which identical in semantic, component, figurativeness and style. Such identical inter languages somatic idioms have no national characteristic, so as they express the condition of any man, independently which nation he is bellowing. About this the scientist L.K. Bayramova confirm correctly ЇThe coincides of main body parts functions, bring to the identity of inter language idioms, which denote this function. The analysis shows that most somatic idioms of these three languages are complete equivalents:

- jump down (someone`s) throat - схватит ьзаглотку - кекиртектен алуу

- to have one foot in the grave - стоять одной ногой в могиле-бир буту к?рд?, бир буту жерде

to have a good head for something -иметь ясную голову - башы бар - to cudgel one's brains over something - ломать над чем нибудь голову - баш катыруу - see something with one's own eyes - видеть своими глазами - ?з к?зу мененк?р??

- a sharp tongue - острый язык - тили суук , sharp eye - острый глаз - к?з? курч

- to open somebody's eyes to something- открыть/раскрыть глаза на что то - к?з?н ачуу - to get back on one's feet -встать на ноги - бутуна туруу

- - Cabbage-head - голова садовая - ашкабак баш

- show clean pair of heels - удирать так, что пятки и сверкают таманын жылтыратуу

- со всех ног - put one's best legs - буту бутуна тийб??

In many case the complete equivalents can exist only in two languages.

The Russian and Kyrgyz complete equivalents:

найти общий язык - тил табышуу

отвечать го ловой - башы менен жооп бер??

закрыть глаза навеки - к?з жумуу

Белая рука - ак кол

Белая кость - ак с??к

The reasons of appearance of idioms absolutely equivalents can be borrowingsfrom some third source. Basically from Bible, ancient mythology of ancient Greeceand Rome. For example such idioms in two languages:

Achilles's heel - ахиллесова пята

Skin and bone- кожа до кости

An eye for an eye, a tooth for a tooth- око за око зуб за зуб.

An English idioms coincide with Russian and Kyrgyz somatic idioms by theirmeaning, expressiveness and style nuance we called completely equivalent, in spiteof unimportant change in component and morphological structure.

All these examples show that such unimportant differences don`t influence on

meaning and stylistic character of original expressions.

From complete equivalents need to distinguish the Їfalse equivalents?, which

by complete structure coincides, have the different meaning. Forexamples:

- with one' s nose in the air (смотреть с высоко)

-нос по ветру (быть на чеку),

To a hair (в точности)- на волосок от (чуть-чуть, едва не) - тянуть за язык - тилин тартуу, без лица (бледный)- бети жок (безстыдный).

Consider next examples:

Foam at the mouth - пена со рта these two idioms are complete equivalents which coincide with meaning, expressiveness, style nuance, but their equivalents in Kyrgyz language ооз к?пт?р?? is their false equivalents, because has the completely another meaning Їto boast?.

Thus idioms are false equivalents because they have different semantics. After analysis we see that using of complete equivalents assist to adequate transferring to the achievement of English idioms into Russian and Kyrgyz languages. Thus, as stated above appearance of such idioms not connecting with style of life, culture and history of that or other nations, and consequently they existing dependently from each other in various languages the world.

It is known that the idioms `meaning is in certain way leaning on the human nature, his positive and negative features. For example, laziness is criticized by

folding one's hands (бездействовать).Poltroonery, cowardice and dread are mocked at by such somatisms as cold feet, суук ж?р?к (трусость), to hold one's hand (воздержаться от чего- либо), while bravery, daring and self-control are expressed by; to get oneself in hand - брать себя в руки.

The importance of permanent activity of a person and the ability to keep his word is highlighted by to think on one's feet (быстро соображать), a firm hand (твердое руководство), and a light hand- же?ил кол ( ловкость). A person feels well only in the case of his inner psychological stability, achieved by the idea of having a good Їphysiological? pillar, which is known to berepresented by his foot/feet: to find ones' feet-бутуна туруу (найти место в жизни), to be on one's feet (быть независимым). The ability of a person to learn and to acquire special professional skills aswell as his experience is rendered by such somatisms as an old hand (опытный/ бывалый человек , a fresh hand (новичок), all thumbs- (неловкий человек).

Features of different phenomena.

This set of thematic groups of English body idioms deals with cognitive approach to personal and inter personal relationships and situations, as well as various aspects of life. For example, the notions of unity and oneness is rendered by such idioms and proverbs as arm in arm/ hand in hand, joined at the hip, cheek by jowl (сообща /вместе), shoulder to shoulder : Плечом к плечу , рука об руку , бир жакадан баш , бир женден кол чыгаруу.

However, permanent peace in relationships between people and countries is something exceptional and even psychologists speak about the necessity of being at loggerheads with somebody from time to time, which leads to a kind of fight or war (in case of countries) and involves a series of concepts as:

-challenge and concession: all hands to the pumps (все на борьбу), every

man's hand against one (все против одного), gain the upper hand (одержать победу), hand it to somebody (признать чье- либо превосходство);- attempt and violence: to fight hand in hand (вести рукопашный бой), lay violent hands on somebody (применять насилие);-power and influence: to have long hands (влиятельный человек), to be in somebody's hands (находиться во власти), a hidden hand (тайное влияние);- humiliation: to stay in somebody's hand ( мешать кому- либо ); -actions to cock one's nose - задирать нос; to trim the sails to the wind - держать нос по ветру; to turn up one's nose at - задирать нос перед кем- либо; to lead smb. a (divtty) dance - водить кого- либо за нос; to slam (or to shut) the door in smb.'s face - захлопнуть дверь перед самым носом кого- либо.; near at hand -на носу; не видеть дальше своего носа; воротить нос; натянуть нос ; нос с носом; совать под нос; совать свой нос ; тыкать в нос ; уткнуть нос ; зарубить на носу; оставить с носом ; to make a long nose; on the nose; to count (to tell) noses; to bite smb.'s nose off; to make smb.'s nose swell; to pay through the nose; to wipe smb.'s - death: to have (got) one foot in the grave ( стоять одной ногой в могиле), feet first ( умереть), to have blood on somebody's hands ( руки запачканы кровью / Быть виновным в смерти кого- либо ).

It is known that human life is not cakes and ale as a person has to meet a lot of hardships, which he has to overcome on his way to success. This idea is renderedby such somatisms as to put one's best foot first (приложить все усилия), to play one's hand for all it is worth (доводить дело до конца), with both hands - работать не покладая рук( усиленно), have one's hands full (захлопотаться).

Even the opposition of notions success - failure is expressed by the somatisms

To fall on one's feet (с успехом выйти из затруднительного положения), to win hands down ( легко одержать победу), to throw in (up) one's hands (выйти из игры).

Thus, somatic constructions (built on the basis of names of body parts) as one of the ancient set expressions in the process of their language functioning acquire different (both positive and negative) semantic connotations. As show the facts the somatic idioms do not reflects in its content of any historical, social facts, as is most often transmit physiological condition of person appear usually a result of a rethinking of metaphoric phrases that describe the sensation of the body. That is the appearance of such idioms not connecting with style of life, culture and history of that or other nations, and consequently they exist independently from each other in various languages the world.

No equivalents or culture specific idioms when the original forms of idioms which are not understandable for other nation thoughts and that is why the logical sense of these idioms cannot be put in other nation`s phraseological form by different: national, historical, geographical, cultural and social- psychological conditions: English: get one's feet wet; hair about the heels; a poker face.

Russian: с гулькин нос; ни аза в глаза; притча во языцех; семи пядей во лбу. Kyrgyz: ?пк? к?пт?р??; ?пк?с?н колуна алуу; башы кара буту айры;башы жаздыкта, бели оттукта эмес.

After contrastive studying was revealed that the most number of English idioms have complete and incomplete equivalents.

Translation of proverbs

Literal word-for-word translation does not work for popular sayings such as proverbs. To properly translate a proverb requires several steps, and it often requires a translator to delve deeper into the culture of the source and target languages to determine the idiomatic translation. Therefore to translate from Kyrgyz into English we have to be aware of two cultures. Kyrgyz language is very powerful and one of the richest languages, that belongs to a Turkic language group, however Kyrgyz vocabulary is totally different from Turkish language. During the past 1600 years, Kyrgyz language has been enriching its vocabulary from other languages like Chinese, Arabic, Turk language group and Russian. But being nomads Kyrgyz people never developed written language, however there was a big interest in poems, so they developed oral language.

Lacking the written language, the basic principles of social behavior were tersely and figuratively formulated as proverbs and sayings, going from one generation to another, polished by social practices and time in Kyrgyzstan. Being the gist of national wisdom, they dealt with all social activities. Adages, like «El mazar, elden chykkan azar» («people are sacred, you are nothing without people»). «Erden ashmak bar, elden ashmak jok» («You can overtake the bravest. You cannot overtake people»). «Elin jardy bolso, jeke bailyk kurusun» («personal wealth is cursed, when people are poor») etc., aimed at forging unity and integrity of clan and tribe, while the others, like «Жакшы бий журттун камын ойлойт, жаман бий малдын камын ойлойт» (Good biy thinks of the people, bad biy spends their wealth). Туура бийде тууган жок, туугандуу бийде ыйман жок.» (« Honest biy has no relatives, that biy's relative is good conscience) etc., dealt with social management. Most of proverbs and adages devoted protection of tribes clan, motherland: «Эр жигит эл четинде жоо бетинде» (Young man should protect people facing enemy). «Эр жигит элден туулат жоодон олот» - («Young man taxes life from mother and death - from enemy»). «Жаздыктан олгон жаманат, жоодон олгон салтанат» («death on a pillow is a shame in the battlefield-honour) etc. there was a lot of other sailings and proverbs, dealing with common activities, matrimonial and casual relations friendship generosity etc. i.e. all spheres of social and personal lives of nomads in tribal conditions.

Bringing up a healthy generation, strong enough to preserve purity and multiplication of wealth resources of a tribe, its honesty and dignity was a tribal concern in Kyrgyzstan. The saying was «Кыз туулса кырк байтал, уул туулса кол кармаар» («girl's birth - addition to herd, boy's - addition law defenders»). From their childhood, children were accustomed to socially useful labour, idle ones were condemned, so it is clearly shown in the following saying «орозойдун баласын онго чыкса да жаш имиш» («hopeless Orozoi's son is still a baby after ten years»).

In case of man's death, his wife, children and property were cared for by a branch Widow married to one of the younger relatives of a man, who then adopted his children. Should he had not got any close relatives, she married a distant one. In this case his properly was left to closer relatives and the widow's new husband paid them «жесир доо» («Тегин табуу, Уйурун табуу»-«finding of sources of his own herd). Return to her parents was only possible when a dead man had not any close relatives at all. Even then children, brought up m maternal side, kept the membership of father's tribe In case of child's murder, kun was demanded and paid lo father's tribe, not mother's. At the adult ago a boy grown up in alien tribes should return to his father's

To increase the number of descendants and the size of the tribe, adoption of children was widely practiced, and these sayings clearly show it - «энчилеш бала», «тонсуз бала»-(«baby with rights of legacy, «off-the-womb baby»). Adoption might have taken place even at adult age. It was enough to bring adopted child's face to the breast of the adopting man's wife in presence of witnesses, with a path to be their honest son. Adopting parent took whole responsibility for his son: paid fines, kun and got the same for him, like for his own child. Rights and duties of adopted child were similar like step-brothers, but unlike them he could return to his natives at any time.

Biy and Manaps of big tribes and clans, chasing for supremacy, influence and territory with other tribal congregations tried to seduce and «provide» authorities over smaller, often impressed sub-clans and branches, who did not enter the main clan of their enemy.

Main property well-being of a tribe was a collective care for its integrity and enlargement. Main property was living stock, mobile in migrations, hostile assaults, or trophy, taken from enemy, during successful campaign. Relatives and their property protection was the main objective for the men, trained for that from their young age. Man, lacking technique in riding and personal braveness deserved shame. Each of them should be armed, cuirassed and possessing a horse, to be in time at the collection site, after hearing: «Аттан!» Жоо келди! («Boots and saddle! Enemy is near) to fight with dignity.

Closely related families formed all. All ails of a clan or tribe, avoiding robberies and captures by enemies, migrated together. Day of migration was defined by Biy or Chief Manap, to be reported to eldest representatives of all ails. Nothing and none could re-date migration (neither poor weather, nor anything else). To postpone migration for a day could be allowed for an ail only for funerals. Even this excuse was not often used. Normally, they took a corpse to bury him/her midway, during a short stop-over. To protect the nomads, there were special detachments assigned. On a new place can settled in a line by ail or айыл, stretching for several kilometers [Kyrgyzdar, 1993. p. 530].

Proverbs often have an equivalent in the target language. However, even if a linguistic equivalent exists, there may be cultural differences to consider. For example, translation into English could vary based on whether the target is the Uk or the US. It often helps to determine the origin of the proverb, especially if it isn't an entirely common saying. An obscure literary proverb should not be translated into a very familiar proverb in the target language. It is best to aim for equivalence between the proverb's standing within the context of the source culture and the target.

Often, proverbs deal directly with societal customs that might not translate directly to certain other societies. In these cases, it might help to find a saying that approximates the intended message of the proverb and use that. Ultimately, the challenges of translating proverbs depend on the case at hand, and therefore, it is best for translators to adjust their method on a case by case basis. With that said, here are a few examples of how specific proverbs could be translated:

Russian proverbs:

Близок локоть, да не укусишь. (Blizok lokotok, da ne ukusish.)

Your elbow's close, but you can't bite it.

(Meaning: The task only seems easy.)

В гостях хорошо, а дома лучше. (V gostyah horosho, a doma luchshe.)

Being a guest is nice, but being at home is better.

Слово - не воробей: вылетит - не поймаешь. (Slovo -- ne vorobey: vyletit -- ne poymayesh.)

A word is not a sparrow: once it flies out, you can't catch it.

Век живи, век учись - дураком помрёшь. (Vek zhivi, vek uchis - durakom pomrosh.)

Live a century, learn a century - you'll still die a fool.

(The more you learn, the more you realize you don't know.)

Kyrgyz proverbs:

Балалуу уй базар баласыз уй мазар. (Balaluu ui bazar balasyz ui mazar)

(Meaning: The house with children is like bazaar (market) the house without children is like cemetery).

Оозу кыйшык болсо да байдын баласы суйлосун. (Oozu kyishyk bolso da baidyn balasy suilosun). (Meaning: Let the son of “bai” (rich man) talk despite his crooked mouth!).

Оло жегиче боло же. (Olo jegiche bolo je). (Meaning: You better share your food with others than just eat it all by yourself).

Суттон оозу куйгон айранды уйлоп ичет. (Sutton oozu kuigon airandy uilop ichet). (The person that have burnt his mouth drinking hot milk will blow when drinks even a yogurt).

Карга баласын аппагым дейт. (Karga balasyn appagym deit). (Meaning: Even a black raven calls its baby white. Every creature loves its baby).

Атынды жакшы карабасан жоо каласын. (Atyndy jakshy karabasan joo kalasyn.). (Meaning: Govern or treat your horse carefully otherwise you will be a pedestrian.).

Он колундун ачуусун сол колун менен бас.(On kolundun achuusun sol kolun menen bas.). (Meaning: If your right hand is angry hold it back with your left hand.).

Ажал келсе алтын тактан пайда жок. (Ajal kelse altyn taktan paida jok.). (Meaning: There will be no help from your throne when death comes.).

Адам акылы менен адам. (Adam akyly menen adam.). (A human being is a human by his wit). Качканга жер да жетпептир. (Kachkanga jerda jetpeptir.). (Meaning: The earth is a small place for fugitives.). Коркок жашоодон баатыр олуму артык. (Korkok jashoodon baatyr olumu artyk.). (Meaning: It is better to die like a hero than live as coward.).

Коркок мин олот баатыр бир олот. (Korkok min olot baatyr min olot.). (Meaning: A hero dies once a coward dies thousands of times.).

Ат адамдын канаты. (At adamdyn kanaty.). (Meaning: The horse is a wing of man).



2.2 Traditions

idiom proverb translation language

Traditions of Kyrgyz people

Culture of Kyrgyzstan takes its roots in antiquity. Its formation was largely influenced by Turkic tribes that migrated in the early Middle Ages from the territory of the Altay and East Turkestan. Before the 20th century there was the Kyrgyz tribal division. Some of the Kyrgyz still adhere to this tradition. This can be seen even in the division of the Kyrgyz into the southern and northern Kyrgyz. Customs and traditions of the southern Kyrgyz of the Ferghana Valley and the Eastern Pamirs differ from the traditions of the northern Kyrgyz living in areas of the Tien Shan, Issyk-kul lake region and areas of the Chu and Talas rivers. The nature of the prevailing economic structure - nomadic herding and the patriarchal family life left a deep imprint on the material culture of the Kyrgyz. Dwellings, traditional clothes, food - everything is dictated by the need of frequent nomadism.

Settlements

http://www.advantour.com/img/kyrgyzstan/issykul-yurta2.jpgPrior to joining the Russian Empire the main type of settlement were villages, and the Kyrgyz, because of their nomadic lifestyle, moved from place to place. But during the Soviet era Kyrgyz were gradually subside, resulting in a radical change in their lifestyle. Today most of the Kyrgyz are settled, moving to larger cities, but there are still traditional villages in the mountains and rural areas.

Clothing

Traditional clothing of the Kyrgyz has undergone many changes during its development. As other aspects of material culture, the Kyrgyz clothes clearly show distinctive features that were peculiar to individual tribal and territorial groups, it is also distinguished by the unique typical for the nomads. In common use was clothing made of coarse woolen cloth of domestic manufacture, made from animal skins, felt, leather and wild animals.

The traditional costume element is a Kyrgyz felt hat - Ak-kalpak (white cap), which is characteristic for both the men's suits and dresses for women. Another element of the native Kyrgyz clothing is top felted clothing with sleeves - kementay- and white felt boots. Married women wore a loin skirt - beldemchi, with flaps converging in front. Also a coat “chapan” with a high collar was very popular among the men and women. It should also be noted that completely embroidered shirt thread “zhaka” and the traditional conical hat that ladies wore on ceremonial occasions were among the elements of women's dress. Men wore trousers of tanned leather or suede, which had several names - chalbar, kandagay, zhalgak shim. The most common shoe among the Kyrgyz were boots with high tops and narrow, slightly turned-up noses.

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