The rise and fall of approximants in the Tuparian languages

Sio eba-pi

eba-pi

--

*j-e-kiP

arrow.POSS

--

e-kuP

--

--

c-e-kiP

*jei

blood

au

éu

ai We have no explanation for the occurrence of a (as opposed to e) in this word. Note the similarity of this (apparently irregular) development to the dissimilation of *ei, *eu to ai, au in Wayoro (Nogueira 2015).

e?i

céi

*pâpi(-?a)

nose

äpi-a

äPsi

äpi-tsa

äpi-ta

päpi

*pärä

branch

--

äkä

--

--

närgä

In Wayoro and in the Corumbiara languages, both allophones (PCT *[w] and *[y]) underwent developments which affected most or all approximants in these languages: in Wayoro, they changed into underlying nasal stops /rW/ and /ö/ (which surface as [rgw] and [rg] in oral environments), whereas in the Corumbiara languages they were fortitioned to /k^w/ and /k/, respectively. Tupari preserved *[w] without further changes, whereas the allophone *[y] yielded zero. Unlike PTpr */j/, PTpr */w/ does not show radically different reflexes in oral and nasal environments. Only in Makurap does one consistently find different phonemes (ß vs. m) as its reflxes. More marginally, the Sakurabiat dialect of Mekéns appears to sometimes have r^w as the reflex of PTpr *w in nasal environments (e.g. y^wae `pot') as opposed to k^w, which is found in oral environments in Sakurabiat and in all environments in Guaratira and Siokweriat (cf. Galucio 2001: 19). In our proposal, this is accounted for by positing a voiced stop stage in the development of the PTpr approximants in the Corumbiara languages, hence: *wâë > *g^wâë > Sak r/^wàë, Gua k^wàë, Sio k^wâ?ë, Aku k^wà?ë.

The Tuparian etymologies which instantiate PTpr *w are listed in Table 7.

Table 7. Proto-Tuparian */w/ (oral and nasal *w)

PTpr	gloss	Wayoro	Tupari	Mekéns	Akuntsu	Makurap
oral
*awa Although no cognate in Makurap is known, PCT *awa can be securely traced back to PTpr *awa because a precise external cognate is found in the Juruna branch (Yudja awa[?â] `yam', Mondini 2014: 113). The expected re-flex in Wayoro would be *äpgwa; it is unclear why the medial consonant is oral.	yam	agwa	awa{té}	akwa	akwâ	--
*wara(:)C The vowel length is attested in the Wayoro and Mekéns reflexes by Galucio et al. (2015: 273). The Wayoro form is given with a short vowel in Nogueira (2011: 43, 52). The Makurap term for `bat' is ßacäriaC. Despite the obvious similarity to the Core Tuparian forms, there is no regular correspondence between them; Mak ßacäriaC could go back to PTpr *wajari(?)aC. It is unclear whether we are dealing here with an irregular development or with an indirect borrowing.	frog/toad sp. (CT only)	pgwara(:)C	warâC-?a	kwara:C	kwarâC	--
*wari?a	bat (CT only)	pgwaria	wâri?a	kwaritsa	--	37
*waco	alligator	pgwaCco	wâo	kwato	kwatô	ßâto
*wako	guan	pgwako	wakô	kwa(:)ko	kwakô	ßakô-pêP
*wakara This token is a Wanderwort, as similar forms are found in many unrelated languages spoken all across the Amazon and even as far away as on the Caribbean coast of South America. Epps (2020, entry `great egret') lists multiple languages of the Cariban (Carijona, E'nepa, Wayana, Yabarana), Guahiboan (Cuiva, Sikuani, Macaguan), Arawakan (Paresi), Saliban (Piaroa, Saliba), Nadahup (Nadëb), and Tupi-Guarani (Kokama, Wajapi) families and groups as having a Wanderwort of the approximate shape %wakara meaning `great egret'. One may add other Arawakan (Wapixana wakara, Mehinaku wakala, Proto-Ta-Arawakan *wak'ara; Silva et al. 2013: 106, Corbera Mori 2008: 64; Nikulin & Muzykantova in prep.) as well as Tupian (Surui-Paiter wakâr, Zoro wakal, Ka'apor wakara; Bontkes 1978: 18, Lacerda 2014: 321, Caldas 2009: 304) languages to this list. Given the regularity of the correspon-dence between the Tupari and Makurap forms, we deem it possible that *wakara was borrowed from an unknown source into Proto-Tuparian.	great egret	--	wakara-tô `jabiru'	--	--	ßakara
*wawo	sweet potato	hgwago The expected reflex of PTpr *w before o would be *^g, not g. It is likely that that some sort of a dissimilation of the kind *NDVND... > NDVD... applied in this word, as in *ndando > ndato `armadillo'. In fact, Nogueira (2019: 8, with a reference to her ongoing research) entertains the hypothesis that Wayoro [g] and [gw] could be even syn- chronically described as allophones of /ð/ and /p w/.	wâo	kwa(:)ko	kwakô	ßaßô
*wa?i	stone	pgwai	wâ?i	kwai Sio kwa?i	kœa?î	ßai
*waT- Even if Makurap ßaT `always' does not belong to this cognate set, the Core Tuparian verb cannot be re-garded as a Core Tuparian innovation because precise external cognates are found across Tupian (Karitiana hot, Sateré-Mawé waT `to go.PL').	to go away	pgwaT-	waT-	kwaT-	kwaT-	? ßaT `always'
*waC?a	labret (CT only)	--	wâC?a	--	kwaCta	--
*waK-	to cry; sound	--	waK-	kwaK	kwaK	--
*waK-toP- This compound can be analyzed as `sound-see'. The development *-Kt- > -Tt- in Makurap is unparalleled. The Wayoro and Makurap reflexes are attested only in their forms which contain the thematic vowel -a-, which triggers the deletion of the stem-final consonant. Clear cognates of PTpr *waK are found in other Tupian languages as well (e.g. Karitiana hok `to play violin', Sateré-Mawé waK `to cry').	to hear	pgwaK-to-a	--	kwaK-tsoP-	kwaK-tfoP-	ßaT-to-a `to look'
PTpr	gloss	Wayoro	Tupari	Mekéns	Akuntsu	Makurap
*wi Although no cognate in Core Tuparian is attested in our primary sources, Mak ßi can be securely traced back to PTpr *wi because precise external cognates are found across Tupian (e.g. Karitiana he: `to blow'). A likely cognate in Tupari, u- `to blow, to play a wind instrument' is mentioned by Rodrigues (2002: 291), but we were un-able to locate this form in our primary sources on Tupari, thus putting its existence in doubt.	blow	--	--	--	--	ßi
*äwi-	to enter (WT only)	ärgu-	äu-	--	--	--
*wo(:) Although no cognate in Makurap is known, PCT *wo(:) can be securely traced back to PTpr *wo(:) because precise external cognates are found across Tupian (Karitiana hi `thorny tree', Sateré-Mawé hu, PTG *ju `thorn').	thorn	rgo:	--	ko Attested by Wanda Hanke only (Hanke et al. 1958: 212) as <ku> `thorn, needle'.	ko `fishhook'	--
*a(:)wo	bone	--	--	a:ko	--	ao The absence of ß is unclear. The word is frequently attested as ceß-ao ([ceH.ßao:?L] in Moore's data; cf. also Braga 2005: 162), with the relationalizer prefix ceP- (Braga 2005: 42-3).
*wora	sound, speech (?)	r/gora `music'	--	--	--	ßorâ-pi `mouth'
*woroa-	to look for (CT only)	ygora-	oroa-	kora-	kora-	--
*aworo Tup âwro ~ âoro can be securely traced back to PTpr *aworo because precise external cognates are found across Tupian (Proto-Munduruku *âro, PTG *ajuru).	parrot	--	âwro ~ âoro	--	--	--
*woP	red	rgoP	oP	koP	koP	ßoP
*woT-kiP	neck	rgoT-kuP	oT-kuP	koT-kiP Sio kiT-kiP	piT-kiP The development of PCT *wo into Akuntsu pi is not known to be regular. Note that the unrounding of *o is also attested in Siokweriat.	ßoT-kiP
*wetoK	far	rgwetoK	? toK	kwetsoK	--	ßätoK
*wereP	foreigner (CT only)	rgwereP	--	kwereP	kwereP `dark'	--
*wejaP	anteater (CT only)	r^êndaP	--	kwetaP	kwitaP The development of PCT *e into Akuntsu i is not known to be regular. The word is attested as [wi'tap'] ~ [wi'ttap'] ~ [wi'tdap"'] in Aragon (2008: 57), but is phonologized here with a /kw/ because this is almost certainly the same word as the one found in the hydronym KwitaP ki (Aragon 2014: 14), plausibly interpretable as `anteater river'; the optional realization of /kw/ as [w] is independently attested by Aragon (2014: 57sqq.).	--
*weP- Although no cognate in Makurap is known, PCT *weP can be securely traced back to PTpr *weP because precise external cognates are found across Tupian (Karitiana hap `to rise (of sun)', Aweti teP `to go up'; Landin 2005: 10, Reiter 2011: 205). The Makurap term for `peanut' is attested as araßoiK (Braga 2005) or aräßi:K (Moore's data). Despite the ob-vious similarity to the Core Tuparian forms, there is no regular correspondence between them. It is unclear whether we are dealing here with an irregular development or with an indirect borrowing.	to go up	rgweP-	--	kweP-	kweP-	--
*wi	ax	--	wi(:)	kwi	kwi	ßi
*ara:wi	peanut (CT only)	ara:gwi	--	ara(:)kwi	arakwl	50
PTpr	gloss	Wayoro	Tupari	Mekéns	Akuntsu	Makurap
*ewiT Although no cognate in Makurap is known, PCT *ewiT can be securely traced back to PTpr *ewiT because precise external cognates are found all across Tupian: Karitiana e:t (< *ahit), Proto-Munduruku *eit, Sateré-Mawé ewiT, Aweti ekiT, PTG *eiT.	honey, bee	epgwiT	ew'lT	ekwir-itsa `bee sp.' Sio ekwiT	ekwlT	--
*wiT?i	açai	Ngw pgwiri Kup ßiri	wiTli	kwiri	kwirl	ßirifcaj
*wämolä	shaman	--	wäm5lä	kwäm5ä	kwämöä	mämoä
*wäkipä The reflexes of this word in the Corumbiara languages show labial consonants (Sak m, Gua/Sio/Aku p) in-stead of the expected labiovelars (Sak pw, Sua/Sio/Aku kw). That is, Proto-Corumbiara innovated by replacing *gwäkipä with *bäkipä. Currently we have no explanation for this (apparently idiosyncratic) development.	agouti	pwäküpä	--	Sak mäkip ä Gua/Sio pakipä	pakäpä	mäkip ä
*wäe Although no cognate in Makurap is known (unless ie `pot' is related), PCT *wäe can be securely traced back to PTpr *wäe because precise external cognates are found all across Tupian (e.g. Aweti tale, PTG *jale).	pot	pwäe	wäe-toP-la	Sak pwäe Gua kwäe Sio kwale	kwäle	--
*wäCkiT	plate (WT only)	pwäCkuT	wäCkut	--	--	--
*wi-	to enter	öû-	--	--	--	mi-
*w5	pet (CT only)	ó5	? 5[äkiT]	ö5	--	--
*wï7ïK	leafcutter ant	PWÏK	wïlïK	--	--	mïK
*wämolä	shaman	--	wäm5lä	kwäm5ä	kwämöä	mämoä

This concludes our presentation of the reflexes of the approximant series of Proto- Tuparian. In what follows, we present evidence for reconstructing innovative approximants for earlier stages of individual Tuparian languages and the proto-languages of low-level subgroups.

Loss of syllabicity in high vowels. This subsection deals with the sound change whereby the high vowels */i o/ (and possibly their nasal equivalents) of PTpr became approximants when adjacent to vowels. Note that in the phonological systems of all Tuparian languages /o/ is analyzed as a high vowel, as there is no /u/. This type of sound change arguably recurred multiple times in the histories of the Tu- parian languages, which is quite unsurprising given its naturalness. Its operation is most easily seen in the allomorphy patterns of the 3NCRF prefix (PTpr *i-) and of the 1SG prefix (PTpr *o-).

PTpr */i/ and */o/ were not affected by this process in the same fashion in the individual languages: while only Wayoro and Tupari show traces of the desyllabification of the reflexes of PTpr */o/, the front high vowel */i/ has been affected in all daughter languages. In Makurap, the PTpr 3ncrf prefix */i-/ before vowels yielded /p-/ (which surfaces as ndj- in oral environments and as p- in nasal environments), as shown in 1. Phonetically, this development must have proceeded through the stage *j (hence, PTpr *iV- > *jV- > */pV-/) and evidently postdates the specifically Makurap sound change *j > c.

(1) Makurap: /p-/ ndj- oral, p- nasal (Braga 2005: 50, 204; the glosses are ours)

a. ndj-akare-T b. nd%-apiter-eT

/ð-akare-eT/ /ï-apiteT-eT/

3NCRF-head-POSS 3NCRF-sadness-POSS

`his/her head' `his/her sadness'

c. etetena	kite	pe	p-ö-a	ßiT
/etetenä	kite	pe	p-öP-a	ßiT/
after_that	people	LOC	3NCRF-give-TH	all

`After that, he gave it to everyone.'

In the Core Tuparian languages, the PTpr 3ncrf prefix */i-/ was desyllabified before vowels as well, yielding PCT */j/. This must have happened after PTpr *j became PCT *ö, because the reflexes of PCT *ö and *j in oral environments are distinct in all Core Tuparian languages except Akuntsu (PCT *ö > Way nd, Tup h-l-0-,Mek t, Aku t, whereas PCT *j > Way ndj, Tup s, Mek ts, Aku t). In nasal environments, however, there is no distinction between the reflexes of PTpr */j/ and those of PTpr */i/ before vowels in PCT, as both merge in PCT *p. One could claim that Mekéns has no merger: PTpr/PCT *p yields p in Mekéns, whereas the allomorph of the 3NCRF prefix which occurs before nasal vowels is ts- (Galucio 2001: 35, fn. 6; 225, fn. 24) and not *p. We believe that in Mekéns the allomorph s-, originally restricted to stems which start with oral vowels, has been analogically extended to all vowel-initial stems. That way, Mekéns forms such as ts-öpo `to beat him/her/it' (4d) are probably not cognate with Akuntsu p-öp-a (5d) or Tupari p-öpo (3d), but rather arose through analogy. That way, we believe that the inventory of approximants was augmented by one phoneme in PCT as compared to PTpr: first, PTpr *j was dentalized to PCT *ö, leaving room for PTpr *i > PCT *j (before vowels). In 2-5, we show the prevocalic allomorphs of the 3NCRF prefix in each Core Tuparian language.

(2) WayürÖ: /ð-/ ndj- oral, p- nasal (Nogueira 2019: 18)

ndj-au-ßa, p-mdiak^wa au-ßa, ndj-ußape au-ßa,

/p-an-ßa p-îniak^wa an-ßa p-nßape an-ßa

3NCRF-heal-VZR 3NCRF-food heal-VZR 3NCRF-beverage heal-VZR

ndj-ato-a-P au-ßa

p-ato-a-P an-ßa/

3NCRF-bathe-TH-NMLZ heal-VZR

`He is healing it, healing her food, healing her drink, healing her bath.'

(3) Tupari: s- oral, p- nasal (Singerman 2018: 60-2) At different occasions, Singerman (2018) analyzes p- as a realization of /i-/ (p. 60-2) or of /j-/ (p. 371). For our current purposes, the choice between these two analytical options is irrelevant. Also note that in Tupari the al- lomorph i-, which was historically restricted to consonant-initial stems, may synchronically occur before vowels, as in i-eT `his/her name' (Singerman 2018: 56), as a result of the elision of PCT *ö (*i-öeT).

a. s-opé b. s-aT c. p-ôpé d. p-ôpô

3NCRF-thigh 3NCRF-grab 3NCRF-tongue 3NCRF-kill

`his/her thigh' `to grab him/her/it' `his/her tongue' `to kill him/her/it'

(4) MEKÉNS: ts- oral and nasal (Galucio 2001: 35-7, 191)

a. ts-akoP b. fs-antP c. ts-ö-k^we-a-T

/ts-akoP ts-aniP ts-(m)ö-kWeP-a-T/

3NCRF-be_hot 3NCRF-head 3NCRF-CAUS-climb-TH-PST

`hot (it)' `his/her/its head' `he made him climb'



`The woman, the man beat her and she left.'

d. ârâmïrâ,	aotse	ts-öpo	ka:T	i-tser-a-T
/ärämirä	aotse	ts-öpo	ka:T	i-tseT-a-T/
woman	man	3NCRF-beat	and	3NCRF-leave-TH-PST

AküNTSÜ: t- oral, p- nasal (Aragon 2014: 46, 138, 177, 279) Aragon (2014: 46, fn. 28) analyzes p- as an allophone of /i-/ but is explicit regarding its phonetic realization. For example, the example 5d is transcribed as [jü.'ba] ~ [po.'ba] in Aragon (2014: 46). a. t-akoP te b. tatfo, tatje tiri t-ajtfi

3NCRF-be_hot foc Tat/o Tat/e two 3NCRF-wife

`It is hot.' `Tat/o and Tat/e were his two wives.'

c. t-anäP etfe kaP d. fi-öp-a

3NCRF-beat-TH `to beat him'

3NCRF-head DIFF wasp `A wasp is on his head.'

In some Core Tuparian languages, the innovative PCT *j has merged with segments whose ultimate source is different from *i. In subsection 3.4, we will show that Proto-Corumbiara innovated by creating transitional glides (as in PCT *pi?a > Proto-Corumbiara *pija), which have the same reflexes as PCT *j < PTpr *i (that is, Mekéns ts, Akuntsu t). Similarly, the word for `spider monkey' can be reconstructed as Proto-Corumbiara *jakiraP (> Mekéns tsakiraP, Akuntsu takiraP).

Now we turn to the desyllabification of PTpr *o. This process is synchronically attested in Tupari, in which the 1sg prefix occurs as o- before consonants, but as w- before vowels (Singerman 2018: 42); it also coalesces with a following /o/ or /î/, yielding a long vowel. In Wayoro, the 1sg prefix also occurs as o- before consonants; before unrounded vowels, however, one finds the allomorph /m-/ (mb- in oral environments, m- in nasal environments), whereas before rounded vowels the zero allomorph occurs (Nogueira 2019: 11, 15, 150-1). This is shown in Table 8.



Table 8. The allomorphy of the 1sg prefix in Wayoro and Tupari

	Wayoro (Nogueira 2019)	Tupari (Singerman 2018)
before a consonant	o- /o-/	o-?ußa `my pot' o-piti:K `I feel cold' o-pgora `to seek me'	o-	o-si `my mother' o-kePk-a: `I nursed' o-karäP `toward me'
before a rounded vowel	0 /0-/	0-upipe `my port' 0-ömb-a: `hit me!'	o-o... ^ o:-	o:P (o+oP) `my father' ö:jaora (o+öjaoT+a) `to answer me'
before an oral unrounded vowel	mb- /m-/	mb-apiteP `my ear' mb-ato-a-P `my bath' mb-e-tfu:P-kwa-T `I got wet'	w-	w-apaP?a `my head' w-e-kiaraP-k-a `I became happy' w-e-pak-a `I woke up'
before a nasal unrounded vowel	m- /m-/	m-êpgu /m-¸ðè/ `my chicha' m-ämöC-kwa-T `I dance fast'		w-êkêT~?êkêT-k-aP `my throwing up'

While the allomorphy pattern attested in Tupari can be explained away as a consequence of a recent natural sound change (*o > w _V[-rounded]), the pattern found in Wayoro requires a more elaborate diachronic account: positing a one-step sound change such as */o/ > /m/ would be an entirely implausible solution on typological grounds.

Fortunately, there is independent comparative evidence which shows that at some point in the history of Wayoro all inherited word-initial (and some word-medial) approximants have become homorganic (underlying) nasals. We have already seen in 3.1 that PTpr *j and *w (> PCT *d, *w/*[y]) are reflected in Wayoro as nd, pg^w/p^w, and pg/p (underlying /n/, /q^w/, and /q/); earlier in this subsection, it has been shown that the innovative PCT *j has yielded Wayoro ndj /ð/. That way, it appears quite plausible that the allomorph /m-/ 1sg in Wayoro also continues an earlier approximant, which we reconstruct as pre-Wayoro *ß- and derive from PTpr/PCT *o- in the prevocalic position. Therefore, forms such as *ß-apiteP `my ear' and *ß-ato-a-P `my bath' are posited for the pre- Wayoro stage. Later on, *ß- would have undergone nasalization word-initially (in the intervocalic position, as we have seen in 3.1, it was preserved, as in PCT *eßa-opaP > Wayoro eßa-paP `eye'). Note that the desyllabification of *o- before vowels cannot be considered an innovation shared by Wayoro and Tupari, even though it occurred in both languages in comparable contexts. First of all, the outcome of this process is different in pre-Wayoro (*ß-) and Tupari (w-). The second piece of evidence for positing two independent innovations is that the allomorph w- in Tupari occurs not only in originally vowel-initial stems, but also in stems which have diachronically lost their initial consonant (PCT *ö, preserved as nd in Wayoro). For example, the consonantal allomorph occurs in Tupari w-eK `my house' (Singerman 2018: 43), which goes back to PCT *o-deK (apparently by the way of pre-Tupari *o-eK). Its Wayoro cognate o-ndeK `my house' (Nogueira 2019: 145, 165), which has not been affected by any process of consonantal loss, expectedly shows the vocalic allomorph o-.

The allomorphy patterns examined in this subsection are decisive in establishing the directionality of the sound changes which underlie the correspondence sets involving Wayoro nasal stops and non-nasal segments in other Tuparian languages. If one were to derive them from something other than approximants, it would be quite difficult to explain why Wayoro has /m-/ and /p-/ as the prevocalic allomorphs of /o-/ and /i-/, respectively. In our account, this is unproblematically attributed to a combination of two processes: the desyllabification of high vowels in the environment #_V (*i > *j in PCT, *o > *ß in pre-Wayoro) and the nasalization of approximants in Wayoro (*ß-, *ö, *j-, *w, *[y] > /m-/, /n/, /p-/, /q^w/, /q/).

Proto-Tuparian postoralized nasals and their development in Wayoro. It is possible to reconstruct three phonemic nasals for Proto-Tuparian: */m/, */n/, and */q/. In oral environments, they likely acquired an oral phase before an oral nucleus and thus surfaced as *mb, *nd, *pg (Galucio & Nogueira 2012). In nasal environments, */m/ and */n/ appear to have surfaced as *m and *n, which have been preserved as such in all contemporary Tuparian languages (in contrast, */q/ was likely postoralized even before nasal nuclei). Wetzels & Nevins (2018) classify the allophonic pattern of this type, which is known from many Amazonian languages, as nasal shielding. We call the allophones *mb, *nd, *pg postoralized in what follows. For our current purposes, it is essential that the Wayoro reflexes of the postoralized allophones are identical or similar to those of the Proto-Tuparian approximants in oral environments. More specifically,

- PTpr *ß and *mb merge in Wayoro as mb- (word-initially) or -ß- (between vowels);

- PTpr *j (> PCT *ö) and *nd merge in Wayoro as nd;

- PTpr *w before rounded vowels (> PCT *[y]) and *pg merge in Wayoro as pg.

Based on the contemporary Wayoro reflexes, one may be tempted to attribute these mergers to a single sound change from the Proto-(Core) Tuparian approximants to Wayoro underlying nasals. Indeed, in 3.1-2 we have seen that most approximants of Proto-Core Tuparian became homorganic nasals in Wayoro: PTpr *j > PCT *ö > Wayoro nd; PTpr *w > PCT *w/*[y] > Wayoro p(g)^w/p(g); PTpr *o-, *i- before vowels > PTpr *ß-, *j- > Wayoro m(b)-, ndj-. In contrast, the Wayoro reflexes of PTpr *mb, *nd, and *pg are identical to their reconstructed states, as in PTpr *mbo `hand', *ndeT- `to grind', *pgaP `wasp' > Wayoro mbo, ndeT-, pgaP. At first glance, these sounds would appear to have been preserved intact in Wayoro all the way from Proto-Tuparian.

In this paper, however, we advance an alternative proposal. Namely, we hypothesize that the postoralized allophones of PTpr nasals (i.e., *mb, *nd, *pg) have been affected by a series of sound changes in Wayoro, which came full cycle to the initial state. The suggested evolution pathway of PTpr *mb, *nd, *pg in the Core Tuparian languages is as follows: (i) in PCT, they lose the nasal phrase and become *b, *d, *g; (ii) in the Corumbiara languages and in Tupari, they merge with PCT *p, *t, *k and yield Mek/Aku p, ts/tf, k, Tup p (s-/-Ps- before i), t (s before u/i), k; (iii) in pre-Wayoro, they lenite to *ß, *â, *y (and merge, therefore, with PCT *ß, *â, *[ó] from PTpr *ß, *j, *w; the bilabial approximant in pre-Wayoro may also come from *o- as seen in (iv) in contemporary Wayoro, they have been affected by the independently established nasalization process (*ß-, *â, *y > /m/, /n/, /ð/). That way, the development from PTpr *mb, *nd, and *pg to Wayoro mb, nd, and pg is assumed to have proceeded in three steps (*mb/*nd/*pg > *b/*d/*g > *ß/*ä/*y > mb/nd/pg), as opposed to a straightforward retention. It also entails that PTpr postoralized nasals and approximants first merged as pre-Wayoro approximants (and not as modern Wayoro underlying nasals).

Crucial evidence for our proposal comes from the development of PTpr *mb after an oral vowel in Wayoro: in this position, it is reflected as ß. Nogueira (2011: 45-6) documents forms such as o-ßo `my hand' and o-ßi `my foot' (< PTpr *o-mbo, *o-mbi), of which the uninflected forms are mbo and mbi, respectively (Moore & Galucio 1994: 133).

Note that the environment which conditions the development of PTpr *mb in Wayoro is precisely the same that the one we have seen above for pre-Wayoro *ß from other sources (PTpr *ß or *o): it is reflected as /m/ word-initially (as in PCT *o-apiteP > *ß-apiteP > mb-apiteP `my ear'), but is retained as /ß/ after an oral vowel (as in PCT *eßa-opaP > eßa-paP `eye'). It is, therefore, conceivable that PTpr *mb (as in *mbo `hand' and *mbi `foot') merged with other segments as pre-Wayoro *ß (as in *ßo `hand', *ßi `foot', *o-ßo `my hand', *o-ßi `my foot'), which was subsequently reverted to /m/ word- initially (and after a nasal vowel) by means of an independently reconstructed process (see

3.2) , as in mbo `hand' and mbi `foot', but suffered no further changes after an oral vowel, as in o-ßo `my hand' and o-ßi `my foot'. For PCT, we reconstruct *b based on the fact that neither pre-Wayoro nor Tupari or Corumbiara show any traces of a nasal phase.

We find it likely that PTpr *nd and *pg have undergone in Wayoro a cycle of sound changes comparable to the one described for PTpr *mb in the preceding paragraph. For PCT, we reconstruct *d and *g: in Tupari and in both Corumbiara languages they merge with PCT *t and *k (thus paralleling the merger of PCT *b and *p in these languages), whereas in Wayoro they merge with PCT *â and *[ó] as pre-Wayoro *â, *y > Wayoro /n/, /ð/ (thus paralleling the merger of PCT *b and *ß) in Wayoro. That way, PTpr *ndeT- `to grind', *pgaP `wasp' are hypothesized to have developed into PCT *deT-, *gaP > pre-Wayoro *âeT-, *yaP > Way ndeT-, pgaP. PTpr */m/. In nasal environments, PTpr */m/ surfaced as *m and was preserved as such in all daughter languages. In oral environments, it likely had the allophone *mb, which was preserved in Makurap but suffered some changes in the Core Tuparian languages. As stated above, we believe it yielded PCT *b. In Tupari and in the Corumbiara languages, it merged with the reflexes of PTpr/PCT *p as Tupari p (assibilated to s-/-Ps- before i) and Mekéns/Akuntsu p. In pre-Wayoro, PCT *b merged with the reflexes of PTpr/PCT *ß and PTpr/PCT *o (before vowels) as pre-Wayoro *ß, which yielded /m/ word-initially or after a nasal vowel and /ß/ after an oral vowel. The Tuparian etymologies which instantiate PTpr */m/ are listed in Table 9.

PTpr */n/. In nasal environments, PTpr */n/ surfaced as *n and was preserved as such in all daughter languages. In oral environments, it likely had the allophone *nd, which was preserved in Makurap but suffered some changes in the Core Tuparian languages.

Table 9. Proto-Tuparian */m/ (oral *mb, nasal *m)

PTpr	gloss	Wayoro	Tupari	Mekéns	Akuntsu	Makurap
oral
*mbo	hand	mbo / -ßo	po	po(-pi)	po	mbo
*(p)ombo-	to kill, to beat (CT only)	5mbo-	Os	5po-	5p-â	--
*mboejoP- ~ *mboec/to- The Core Tuparian languages unequivocally point to PCT *boeöoP- (in Wayoro, *ö > nd nasalized the pre-ceding vowels; in Tupari, *poeoP- was apparently simplified to pu(?)oP-). However, the expected Makurap corre-spondence would be *mboecoP- and not mboeto- ~ mbieto-.	to know	moendoP-	pu(?)oP-	poetoP-	poetôP-	mboeto- ~ mbieto-
*mboK?a	tortoise (CT only)	mboga	poK?a	poga	pogâ	--
*mbi(-to)	foot	mbi / -ßi	sitô	pitso	pi	mbi
*ja:mbi	crop seed	aßi	a:Psi	a:pi	--	cämbi
*mbiro	to have (CT only)	mbiro	-(P)s'iro	piro	--	--
*mbiri?a The Wayoro reflex is from Galucio et al. (2015: 274), where it is given as mbirija, mbirija (with a transitional j /p/). The expected reflex in Akuntsu would contain a /p/ and not a /b/; in fact, Galucio et al. (2015: 274) do give Akuntsu pirita (in our transcription, pirita), but our primary source has biritâ (Aragon 2014: 109).	trahira fish	mbirija	siri?â	Sio piritsa	biritâ	mb'iria
*mbi?o	horsefly	--	si?ô	--	--	mbio
*mbiP	to be afraid	--	--	--	piP	mbiP
*mä-	to put	mä-	mä-	mä-	mä-	mä-
*mäpi	manioc	mäpi	mäc	--	--	mäpi
*ämänä	tayra	ämänä	--	--	--	ämänä
*meT Although no cognate in Makurap is known, PCT *meT can be securely traced back to PTpr *meT because precise external cognates are found all across Tupian (Karitiana män, Karo men, PTG *meT; Landin 2005: 16, Gabas Jr. 1999: 13, Mello 2000: 178).	husband	meT	meT	meT	meT	--
*mepiT	child, sororal nephew/niece (female ego)	mepiT	mêPsîT	mepiT	mepiT	mepiT
*mepir-epiT	grandchild (female ego, CT only)	mepir-epiT	mePsîr - ePsîT	mepir-epiT	mêpir-êpîT	--
*mep5P	son-in-law (daughter's husband)	mep5P	mepöP	--	--	men5P
*ameko	jaguar, dog	amêko	amekô	ameko	amekô	ämeko
*mîc5 Although no cognate in the Core Tuparian languages is known, Makurap mitö can be securely traced back to PTpr *mîc5 because precise external cognates are found all across Tupian (Karitiana mbisi, Proto-Munduruku *w'it5, PTG *mitü; Landin 2005: 16, Picanço 2019: 140, Mello 2000: 182).	curassow	--	--	--	--	mîtô

Table 10. Proto-Tuparian */n/ (oral *nd, nasal *n)

PTpr	gloss	Wayoro	Tupari	Mekéns	Akuntsu	Makurap
oral
*ndt?a	lip color	--	su?a	--	--	ndta
*(p)endi	mortar (CT only)	enduldjaj `pestle'	eTsu-?a	etst Attested as <enzê> in Hanke et al. (1958: 204) and as est in Moore & Galucio (1994: 134).	--	--
*ndtrt	collared anteater	--	suru~suru	--	--	ndtrt
*ndo:	mound, hill	ndo:	to-téT	tso(:)	--	ndo-a
*ndeT-	to grind	ndeT-	teT-	--	--	ndeT-
*(j)aindi PTpr also likely had the compound *ja?tP-ti `wife' (literally, `son's mother') preserved as Wayoro ndatP-ti and Mekéns tatP-si. In Tupari and Makurap, *(j)aindi and *ja?tP-ti appear to have contaminated: the former lan-guage has a?usi `wife' (instead of the expected reflexes *aisi or *ha?uP-si); the latter has catp-ndi (instead of the ex-pected reflexes *(c)aindi or *catP-ti). The irregularities in the correspondences have been noted by Nogueira et al. (2019: 46), where the reconstruction *ai(+)tsi is given. Although PCT *aindi has no exact cognate in Makurap, it can be securely projected to PTpr *(j)aindi because it influenced the shape of catP-ndi and because cognates are also found elsewhere in Tupian (Proto-Munduruku *tajtfi; Picanço 2019: 138).	wife	aindi	--	aitsi	ajtfl	--
*ämänä	tayra	ämänä	--	--	--	ämänä
*näko	man	--	--	näko Attested in Hanke (1958: 206) as <nanku> `man'. Galucio et al. (2015: 251) give nakop `man' instead.	näkö	näko-ßtT `boy'
*no	other	no	no	no	no	n5-T
*än5re Alves (2004: 145) claims that the Tupari form is borrowed from Makurap, but there would appear to be no formal reason to believe so.	barred sorubim fish	än5re	anore	--	--	änore
*ne The Wayoro and Mekéns forms are attested in Snethlage (2015: 518, 686) as Wayoro <onänto> `Schulter', <unämi a> `Ellbogen' (likely o-ne-to, o-ne-miä, with the 1SG prefix o-) and Mekéns <kina, kinä> `Schulter' (likely ki-ne, with the 1INCL prefix ki-). The Mekéns form is also attested as <unea> `bras' (likely 1SG o-ne) by Claude Lévi-Strauss in his Kabisiana wordlist (apud Loukotka 1963: 48).	arm	ne-(in compounds)	(ajnê-tô `shoulder'	ne `shoulder'	--	ne
*ne-	to make	ne-	ne-	--	--	ne-
*nectK	horsefly	--	neuK	--	--	nettK

As stated above, we believe it yielded PCT *d. In Tupari and in the Corumbiara languages, it merged with the reflexes of PTpr/PCT *t as Tupari t (assibilated to s before i/u), Mekéns ts, and Akuntsu tf. In pre-Wayoro, PCT *d became *d (merging with the reflexes of PTpr *j > PCT *ö), which yielded nd /n/ in modern Wayoro. The Tuparian etymologies which instantiate PTpr */n/ are listed in Table 10.

PTpr */q/. PTpr */p/ quite probably surfaced as *qg before nasal and oral vowels alike. This contrasts with the pattern we reconstruct for */m/ and */n/, whereby the postoralized realization is found in oral environments only. One piece of evidence comes from Tupari, Mekéns and Akuntsu, which reflect PTpr */ö/ as k regardless of whether the nucleus of the syllable is oral or nasal (unlike what we saw above for PTpr */m/ and */n/, which show a conditioned split in these three languages). Based on the correspondence between Wayoro /ö/, Tupari /k/ and Mekéns/Akuntsu /ê/, we may safely reconstruct PCT *g, which therefore differs from PCT *b and *d in occurring in oral and nasal environments indiscriminately.

The second piece of evidence for reconstructing PTpr *pg as the only realization of PTpr */ö/ comes from Braga's (2005) transcriptions of Makurap words, in which /ö/ is transcribed as [fg] even in nasal environments: [^fgem] `breast', pgë'rëj] `to shut up, to be silent', pgïi] ~ [⁴gai] `knife' (Braga 2005: 195-6). We assume that these transcriptions supersede Braga's earlier claim, according to which /ö/ is obligatorily postoralized before oral vowels only (Braga 1992: 45-7). That way, PTpr *pg (the only allophone of PTpr */ö/) would have been preserved in Makurap. In PCT, it would have yielded *g, which was further devoiced to k in Tu- pari and in the Corumbiara languages (and merged with PCT *k, paralleling the merger of PCT *p/*b, *t/*d in these languages). In Wayoro, *g was probably lenited to pre-Wayoro *y (by means of the process which also lenited PCT *b/*d to pre-Wayoro *ß/*d) and later nasalized to modern Wayoro /ö/. Unlike in PTpr (in our reconstruction), however, the fully nasal realization of Wayoro /ö/ in nasal environments is compulsory (Nogueira 2011: 50-1). The Tuparian etymologies which instantiate PTpr */ö/ are shown in Table 11.

Innovative approximants in Proto-Corumbiara. There is good reason to think that the proto-language of the Corumbiara branch acquired innovative approximants via hiatus resolution, whereby glides were inserted in the environment *i_/o_/i_V.

This includes both original hiatuses, retained from Proto-Tuparian, and new hiatuses, which arose as a result of elision of a PTpr glottal stop. Although the epenthesized segments are not phonetically approximants in the contemporary languages --rather, consonants such as t, s, or k^w are found-- we believe that these go back to erstwhile transitional glides, *j (inserted in the environment *i_V) and *w (*0/i_V), which were subsequently fortitioned. That way, the epenthesis in pre-Proto-Corumbiara could be characterized as a natural sound change, glide epenthesis (Blevins 2008: 84sqq.), which fed another natural sound change, approximant for- tition (independently established in subsections 3.1-2 above).

Table 11. Proto-Tuparian */p/ (oral and nasal *r/g)

PTpr	gloss	Wayoro	Tupari	Mekéns	Akuntsu	Makurap
oral
*rgaP	wasp	rgaP	kaP	kaP	kaP	rgaP
*rgapi(-?a) Although no cognate in Core Tuparian is known, Mak rgâpia can be securely traced back to PTpr *rgapi(-?a) because an external cognate is found in Karitiana (nopi `bullet ant', Landin 2005: 19). Karitiana n is a regular reflex of Proto-Tupian *r in nasal environments, but the mismatch between the nasality values of the first syllable in Makurap and Karitiana awaits further explanation.	bullet ant	--	--	--	--	rgâpia
*rgi Although no cognate in Makurap is known, PCT *rgi can be securely traced back to PTpr *rgi because an external cognate is found in Karitiana (rge `blood', Landin 2005: 9). Form attested in Moore & Galucio (1994: 134). Nogueira (2011: 40) documents a form with an initial k-, which could be a mistranscription or a borrowing from another Tuparian language.	liquid, saliva	rgu	ku	ki	ki	--
*rgiP	louse	ä-rguP	kuP	kiP	kiP	rgiP
*rgi?iT	salt	rgu:T69	ku?uT	ki:T	? kiC It is unclear if this is an irregular reflex of *rgi?iT or a semantic extension of kiC `earth' (< PTpr *kiC).	rgiT
*rgoP?i The Wayoro and Mekéns forms are cited after Galucio et al. (2015: 272); the expected Wayoro reflex would actually be *rgoßi. It is uncertain if the Makurap word is a precise cognate because of the vowel mismatch; it is possible that continues a derivative close to *rgoP?i-?a (compare Proto-Munduruku *kôpia `blood', Sateré-Mawé nupi?a; Picanço 2019: 138, Ribeiro 2010: 76).	termite	rgui	kôP?i	kobi	kop'i	? rgöß-a
*rgipi?a The Wayoro form is from Galucio et al. (2015: 273).	tick (CT only)	rgupi?a	--	--	kip'ita	--
*rgoT	palm larva	--	koT	--	--	rgoT
*rge	garden	rge	--	--	--	rge
*rgeaT	sun, sky	rgiaT `sky'	kiâT `up'	--	--	rgéaT
*rgeK Although no cognate in Core Tuparian is known, Mak rgeK can be securely traced back to PTpr *rgeK be-cause an external cognate is found in Karitiana (rgak `caterpillar', Landin 2005: 9).	caterpillar	--	--	--	--	rgeK
*rgi-akoP	sun (CT only)	rgi-akoP	ki-akôP	ki-akoP	ki-akôP	--
*pärgä	branch	--	äkä	äkä The form is tentatively phonologized based on Snethlage's (2015: 520) attestation of <zänka> `Zweig' (likely the third person ts-äka). The Wayoro and Mekéns are given as kiinijä? and kinira in Galucio et al. (2015: 270) and as kinirä and kitmra in Moore & Galucio (1994: 134); our phonologization is tentative. In Tupari, the vowel of the first syllable is irregularly diphthongized (*u > wi), assuming our primary source (Alves 2004: 204) records the word correctly; in Mekéns, we would expect a /k/ rather than a /ð/. The stem is likely inherited from Proto-Tuparian (as opposed to a Core Tuparian innovation), because there is a probable cognate in Karitiana: kennon `scorpion' (Landin 2005: 13) < pre-Karitiana *kinVräT.	--	närgä
*kUnirga75	scorpion	ku(u)nirä	kwinikâ	kinirä	--	--
*rgeP	breast	reP	keP	keP	keP	rgeP
*rg~el- *rgêT-rga-	to sink to swallow (WT only)	reT-reT-rga-	keT-ka	--	--	--

The development pathway advanced in this subsection is thus essentially identical to Blust's (1994: 112-5) account of certain sound changes in a number of Austronesian languages (such as Chamorro), in which not only inherited approximants but also transitional/epenthetic glides have been historically forti- t...