The rise and fall of approximants in the Tuparian languages

The epenthesis of k^w in the environment o,u_V must have proceeded through the stage *owV/*uwV; that way, a glide was inserted and subsequently fortitioned. Both processes must have applied after the sound change *w > p(g)^w, because otherwise we would expect tokens such as PTpr *ia:C > pre-Wayoro *rn:C `tapir' to have participated in them, yielding *uwa:C > *щg^wa:C (rather than the attested uk^wa:c).

Finally, the change from PCT *c to Wayoro tf has not involved any phoneme splits or mergers and cannot be straightforwardly attributed to any specific chronological level. In fact, it is not even clear whether any sound change has been involved at all, because almost nothing is known about the articulation of PTpr/PCT *c other than that it was a voiceless coronal segment capable of changing to t, tf, or 0.In Figure 3 below, it has been provisionally attributed to the pre-Wayoro stage, but it should be kept in mind that other scenarios are also possible. phonology tupari language makurapa

Proto-Core Tuparian to Tupari. The phonological history of Tupari is characterized by multiple mergers, which resulted in the loss of the original voice distinctions reconstructed for Proto-Core Tuparian, as well as by a number of palatalization processes. A full list of the innovations we could identify follows: (i) mergers of *p/*b/*Я > *p, *t/*d > *t, *k/*g > *k (3.1, 3.3);

(ii) *p is palatalized before i to -Ps- (between vowels) or s- (elsewhere); (iii) *t is palatalized to s o-Яo). Future studies in Wayoro phonology should determine whether it is possible to posit the phonemes /b d d3 g g^w/ for the language instead of /m n p p p^w Я/. before i/u; (iv) *j is fortitioned to s (3.2) but its nasal counterpart p stays except before i, where it is deleted (3.1); (v) *ц is debuccalized to h word-initially and disappears between vowels (3.1); (vi) *y (an allophone of PCT */w/) is deleted (3.1); (vii) *c is deleted at least between vowels; (viii) PCT *o is consonantized to w before unrounded vowels and fuses with following rounded vowels yielding long vowels (notably in the 1SG prefix *o-; 3.2). This is schematized in Figure 4 below.

Proto-Core Tuparian to Mekйns/Akuntsu. It is convenient to present the evolution of the Proto-Core Tuparian onsets in the Corumbiara languages Mekйns and Akuntsu by dividing the phonological history of these languages into two stages. At stage 1, a chain shift affects the voiced oral segments of PCT: the approximants *Я, *ц, *y, *w become voiced stops (*b, *d, *g, *g^w; 3.1), whereas the PCT voiced stops lose voice (*b, *d, *g > *p, *t, *k; 3.3).

These processes are also fed by the glide insertion (PCT *i_V, *o/i_V > *ijV, *o/iwV; 3.4). At stage 2, *t becomes an affricate (Proto-Corumbiara *ts > Mek ts, Aku tj). Innovative Proto-Corumbiara *t (> Mek/Aku t) comes from two sources: fronting of *c > *t and devoicing of *d/*g/*g^w > *t/*k/*k^w.

The latter process occurred in all Corumbiara varieties, with the proviso that in the history of the Saku- rabiat dialect it was bled by the nasalization of voiced stops in nasal environments (as in *baktpa, *g^wвл, *gц > mаkпpа `agouti', p<sup>w</sup>aл `pot', pц `pet'; *d is not known to have occurred in nasal environments). In other dialects of Mekйns and in Akuntsu, there was no nasalization of voiced stops, and the devoicing of *d/*g/*g^w applied categorically.

Fortition and devoicing also affected pre-Proto-Corumbiara *j, which yielded ts in Saku- rabiat and t in Akuntsu. Based on these reflexes, one could be tempted to reconstruct Proto- Corumbiara */, which would have been subsequently devoiced to *c > Sak ts, Aku t. However, the fact that the Guaratira and Siokweriat dialects of Mekйns have 0 corresponding to Sak ts, Aku t in the environment i_V, implies that the fortition of *j must have occurred only recently in the history of the Corumbiara languages: while the sound change *ijV > iV is easily conceivable, it would be more difficult to account for a sound change such as *icV, *i/V, or *itsV > iV. A detailed reconstruction of the evolution of *j in the Corumbiara languages awaits further investigation. Figure 5 summarizes our proposal regarding the development of the PCT onsets in Mekйns and Akuntsu.

Figure 5. Evolution of the Proto-Core Tuparian onsets in Mekйns and Akuntsu

Conclusions

This paper has advanced the reconstruction of the evolution of a number of Proto-Tuparian segments in daughter languages, with a focus on the Proto-Tuparian approximants as well as on sounds which went through an approximant stage at least in some Tuparian languages. Compared to earlier works on the historical phonology of this genetic unit, our proposal stands out in taking into account its subgrouping, thus allowing us to identify crucial innovations restricted to specific clades (such as Core Tuparian and Corumbiara), as well is in considering important data sources which have become available only recently (notably Aragon 2014; Singerman 2016, 2018; Nogueira 2019).

Future research on the historical phonology of Proto-Tuparian should address issues such as the evolution of the Proto-Tuparian glottal stop (which is known to frequently disappear in the daughter languages under unknown conditions), the coda resyllabification patterns, the reconstruction of vowel length in Proto-Tuparian, and the reconstruction of the Proto- Tuparian prosody (which should minimally account for the contrastive stress in Tupari and Akuntsu and for the tonal patterns of Makurap).

It is hoped that this study will inform further comparative research of the entire Tupian family, and we believe that at least some of our results are of interest to the typology of sound change (cf. Blevins 2008) and phonological theory (cf. Wetzels & Nevins 2008).

Abbreviations

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Аннотация

Развитие и падение аппроксимантов в языках тупарийской группы

А. Никулин, Р. Андради.

В статье рассматривается развитие серии аппроксимантов в языках тупарийской группы (тупийская семья), изначально распространённых между средним течением реки Гуапоре/Итенес и верховьями Машаду/Жи-Парана (юг штата Рондония, Бразилия). Показано, что помимо исходной серии пратупарийских аппроксимантов (в нашей реконструкции, *Я, *j и *w) в некоторых языках-потомках развились аппроксиманты и из других источников -- из гласных ненижнего подъёма (*o/*i), посторализованных носовых (*mb/*nd/*rjg, через ступень *b/*d/*g) и глайдов, заполняющих зияние. Детально обсуждается эволюция этих звуков; в частности, показывается, что во всех тупарийских языках хотя бы некоторые бывшие аппроксиманты подверглись фортиции. Особое внимание уделяется внутренней классификации тупарийской группы.

Ключевые слова: тупарийская группа; тупийская семья; аппроксиманты; фортиция; сравнительно-исторический метод.

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