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Міністерство освіти і науки України

Тернопільський національний педагогічний університет

імені Володимира Гнатюка

Кафедра англійської філології та методики навчання англійської мови

Курсова робота

на тему: “Adolescents and language change : the influence of American music”

Студентки групи змАМ11

035.041 Філологія. Германські мови

та літератури (переклад включно),

перша англійська (англійська

мова та література

Сухої Олени Михайлівни

Керівник: Задорожна Ірина Павлівна

Доктор педагогічних наук, професор

завідувач кафедри англійської

філології та методики навчання

англійської мови

Тернопіль 2022

CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION

CHAPTER I. THE ROLE OF MUSIC ADOLESCENTS DEVELOPMENT

1.1 Music development

2.2 Music and identity

CHAPTER II. THE LANGUAGE CHANGE IN AMERICAN MUSIC

1.3 Influence of modern music on young generations

1.4 The interpretation of music texts

CONCLUSIONS

REFERENCES



Introduction

Music can have many social psychological impacts and meanings for people at different periods of their development (Hargreaves, 1986; McPherson, 2006; North & Hargreaves, 2008). It can be a mother's lullaby, an artist's exploration and expression, a performer's dream and profession, a listener's passion and leisure, a social setting's ambience and a signifier of ritual. Music is a resource of considerable intellectual, artistic, cultural, technological, and economical breadth and depth. Billions of dollars are invested in and generated by music across many domains (e.g. arts, entertainment, education, science), while serious legal consequences and societal issues concern the unauthorised sharing of music (North & Hargreaves, 2008). Young people, especially, devote huge amounts of time and money to music listening (Roberts, Henriksen, & Foehr, 2009), while the technological industry cleverly attunes music applications to resonate at the core of their multi-tasking computers. Listening to music is thus particularly important and ubiquitous in the contemporary lives of media-socialising and multi-tasking adolescents (Brown & Bobkowski, 2011; Roberts et al., 2009). This article will thereby argue that music has become a genuine developmental resource - young people would say a `killer app' - that deserves much more attention from developmental psychology in adolescence.

The objective of our investigation is to find out how the music influences young generation.

The object of our investigation is concept of music in character, development and outlook of adolescents.

The subject of our research are teenagers and music in their lives.

The material for the given investigation are: the clip of Hermanos Inglesos «Wonderland», clip «The bottle of liqueur», the song of LP - «Lost on You», the clip «Clean Bandit» of Rockabye ft. Sean Paul & Anne-Marie, Matthew Koma - «Kisses Back».

The methodology of our investigation is based upon the use of the methods of analysis, synthesis, descriptive method, and method of consecutive selection.

The theoretical significance of the course paper lies in revealing the role of music in lives of the teenagers. It gives deeper understanding of the influence of modern music.

The practical significance of the given investigation consists in the fact that its material can be used in articles of journals and newspapers.

Our research work has the following structure.

Introduction is based on the actual of this problem, the objective and the tasks of the investigation, discovering its object and subject, the materials and methods used to achieve the objective, the theoretical and the practical significance is highlighted and it explains the structure of the research work.

Chapter 1 states the theoretical preconditions of the investigation: it gives the general outlook of the music development and of identity of the adolescents.

Chapter 2 examines the peculiarities of influence of musical hits on personality and the understanding of the songs.

Conclusions generalize the results of the investigation.

References comprise the list of the literature used in the research work.



CHAPTER I

THE ROLE OF MUSIC ADOLESCENTS DEVELOPMENT

1.1 Music development

Music is a species-specific communication system that develops under a complex set of genetic constraints and environmental input. As with language, some features of musical perception, such as the use of hierarchical pitch and time structures to organize successive sound events, appear to be essentially universal and rest on general capacities and constraints of the human nervous system. And, similar to language, many different musical systems exist, such that through exposure, participation, and/or formal musical training, children become specialized for processing the structure of the musical system(s) in their environment (see Sections III and IV). During the past couple of decades, research has revealed that the process of becoming specialized for processing the musical structure of one's culture begins early in development and takes many years to complete. Humans are among the most immature animals at birth and have one of the relatively longest periods of development. Although human adults are very similar to other primates in terms of genetic makeup, they have relatively complex brains with large cerebral cortices. This outcome appears to be achieved in large part by an extended period of experience-driven neural plasticity. This extended period of development likely contributes to the unique capacity of humans for generative communication systems, such as music and language, in which novel melodies or utterances are commonly produced. This generative quality also contributes to the cultural changeability of music systems, such that each generation can modify the structural rules of their musical system and incorporate features from foreign musical systems to create new genres. From an evolutionary perspective, music presents a difficult case, a fact that was recognized even by Darwin (1871), who wrote that music was among the most mysterious faculties of the human species as its adaptive survival value is not clear. Many theoretical perspectives have been proposed since Darwin (e.g., Dissanayake, 2000, 2008; Falk, 2004, 2009; Fitch, 2006; Huron, 2001, 2006; Justus & Hutsler, 2005; McDermott & Hauser, 2005; Miller, 2000; Trainor, 2006; Trehub & Trainor, 1998; Wallin, Merker, & Brown, 2000).

Music accompanies a person from the very beginning. Actually, the birth of a child in this world is accompanied by sounds, though they are not musical. Music closely goes hand in hand with humanity throughout its history of existence. In the modern world, music is what unites many people on the Earth, certain styles dictate their way of life and behavior, which young people enthusiastically embrace. Billions of people listen to music every day, and maybe they do not even suspect that the reason for their sad mood is the lyric classical music heard in the morning or rap revealing the bitter truth of life. Therefore, does music affect our sub consciousness and well-being? Of course, the answer is yes. Moreover, can you control your mood by commuting the track in the playlist? Sure. Therefore, we will understand this more specifically.

We would like to tell more about influence of music clips on the person and in particular on teenagers. Teenagers are mentally unstable and come under various influence from surrounding environment. This influence can be as good as bad. Teenagers like watching music videos, especially with their favorite singers very much.

Music is a way and means of transmission of values and feelings, including hidden information. Some people cannot imagine life without sounds, rhythms, melodies, ringing tones. Some music gives us peace, calms down mind, especially classical music or the sounds of nature.

There are some scientific studies in the field of the influence of music on the psychology of personality. Our brains actually respond differently to happy and sad music. Even short pieces of happy or sad music can affect us. One study showed that after hearing a short piece of music, participants were more likely to interpret a neutral expression as happy or sad, to match the tone of the music they heard. This also happened with other facial expressions, but was most notable for those that were close to neutral.

Something else that is interesting about how our emotions are affected by music is that there are two kind of emotions related to music: perceived emotions and felt emotions. This means that sometimes we can understand the emotions of a piece of music without actually feeling them, which explains why some of us find listening to sad music enjoyable, rather than depressing. Unlike in real life situations, we do not feel any real threat or danger when listening to music, so we can perceive the related emotions without truly feeling them-almost like vicarious emotions.

Our music choices can predict our personality. In a study of couples who spent time getting to know each other, looking at each other's top ten favorite songs actually provided reliable predictions as to the listener's personality traits. The study used five personality traits for the test: openness to experience, extraversion, agreeableness, conscientiousness and emotional stability.

Interestingly, some traits were more accurately predicted based on the person's listening habits than others were. For instance, openness to experience, extraversion and emotional stability were the easiest to guess correctly. Conscientiousness, on the other hand, was not obvious based on musical taste.

Here is also a breakdown of how the different musical genres correspond to our personality, according to a study conducted at Heriot-Watt University:

1. Blues fans have high self-esteem, are creative, outgoing, gentle and at ease.

2. Jazz fans have high self-esteem, are creative, outgoing and at ease.

3. Classical music fans have high self-esteem, are creative, introvert and at ease.

4. Rap fans have high self-esteem and are outgoing.

5. Opera fans have high self-esteem, are creative and gentle.

6. Country and western fans are hardworking and outgoing.

7. Reggae fans have high self-esteem, are creative, not hardworking, outgoing, gentle and at ease.

8. Dance fans are creative and outgoing but not gentle.

9. Indie fans have low self-esteem, are creative, not hard working, and not gentle.

10. Bollywood fans are creative and outgoing.

11. Rock/heavy metal fans have low self-esteem, are creative, not hard-working, not outgoing, gentle, and at ease.

12. Chart pop fans have high self-esteem, are hardworking, outgoing and gentle, but are not creative and not at ease.

13. Soul fans have high self-esteem, are creative, outgoing, gentle, and at ease.

Of course, generalizing based on this study is very hard. However looking at the science of introverts and extroverts, there is some clear overlap.

1.2 Music and identity

Adolescence is a critical period for the gradual development of identity (Cфtй, 2009). Social media can provide opportunities for adolescents to explore potential selves and develop identity (Roberts et al., 2009). Kistler, Rodgers, Power, Austin, and Hill (2010) showed that music is a source of social cognitive norms that impacts the development of adolescents' self-concept. Through structural equation modelling, Kistler and collaborators (2010) found that adolescents evaluate their physical attractiveness and self-worth by comparing themselves with music media characters. Also, adolescents understand that music can be used as a resource to develop a social image (North et al., 2000). They use music as a `badge' that shapes their peer groups and peer crowds, which are often known as `musical subcultures' (Miranda & Claes, 2009; North & Hargreaves, 2008). These musical subcultures develop a youth culture identity and provide informational and normative social influences (Zillman & Gan, 1997). Popular musicians also serve as role-models or even idols (Raviv, Bar-Tal, Raviv, & Ben-Horin, 1996) that can influence adolescents through social learning (e.g. modelling). From a more sociological perspective, musical subcultures may provide resources for protest, resistance, and resilience when adolescents, as a social class, feel disrespected in their rights by adult authorities. For young ethnic minorities, music can be a resource for developing cultural identity. In fact, one's preference for music, songs, and dances from his/her heritage culture has been used as an indicator of ethnic identity (Phinney, 1990). And Saether (2008) found that some adolescent immigrants can sometimes use music to shape their identity and promote cultural learning.

In their review of the literature, Hargreaves and collaborators' (2006) noted that adolescents can use music preferences to enhance their social identity by creating exclusive group norms by which they distinguish their `in-group' from an `out-group'. A study by Bakagiannis and Tarrant (2006) also suggested that music preferences can even create a more inclusive social identity that can supersede adolescents' more exclusive social backgrounds.

In sum, developmental psychology should take notice that music is not only a `social lubricant' in adolescence (as it can be in adulthood). Music is a resource from which adolescents decide to explore possible selves, rehearse social roles, manage intergroup dynamics, and envisage future orientations (e.g. artistic careers) by observing their peers and favourite musicians.

Music and socialisation

Peer socialisation, friendships, as well as parents are obviously very important during adolescence (Brown & Larson, 2009; Laursen & Collins, 2009). In terms of social transition from parents to peers during adolescence, many authors theorised that music preferences promote socialisation with friends, while causing some degree of disengagement from parents (for example, Zillman & Gan, 1997), which is in line with normative development (Brown & Larson, 2009). Selfhout, Branje, ter Bogt, and Meeus (2009) have conducted a one-year longitudinal study which showed that similarity in music preferences does promote the formation of adolescent friendships. However, Miranda and Gaudreau (2011) also found that while adolescents share similar music preferences with friends, they also share music preferences with their parents. It may be that adolescents of the early twenty-first century will increasingly share music preferences with both friends and parents without much controversy.

Adolescents understand how to listen to music to please their friends (North et al., 2000), which may foster their reciprocal liking. Music tastes thus involve impression management among peers (Finnдs, 1989). Even functional magnetic resonance imaging suggests that adolescents' conformity in music preferences is partially mediated by neural mechanisms (Berns, Capra, Moore, & Noussair, 2010). But recent sociometric evidence reveals only a moderate degree of similarity between adolescents' personal music tastes and those of their friends (Miranda & Claes, 2009). Hence, most adolescents seem to maintain personal music preferences that are not necessarily shared by friends. It is also intriguing that adolescents can report engaging in fantasising while listening to music, in which they imagine social scripts and rehearse social skills while using music as soundtrack (Miranda, Gaudreau, Morizot, & Fallu, 2012). Understandably, the capacity of music to evoke the presence of others may also explain that adolescents can report listening to music to alleviate loneliness (North et al., 2000).

Thus, by studying music in adolescence, developmental psychology would learn substantially more about how adolescents can socialise with peers, friends, and parents - whether real in interpersonal settings or even imagined while listening to music.

Music, emotion regulation, and coping

Emotion regulation and coping are primordial for adolescents to successfully adapt to developmental issues, as well as to remain resilient amid everyday stress and stressful life events (Compas, 2009; Zimmer-Gembeck & Skinner, 2011). Adolescents feel that music is a resource that can fulfil some of their emotional needs, notably for the purpose of emotion regulation (North et al., 2000; Saarikallio & Erkkilд, 2007). Their emotion regulation through music may occur when they listen to music to distract themselves from distressing emotions, to find solace and validation, or even to experience venting (Schwartz & Fouts, 2003). However, music is not a panacea in itself as it can relate to either adjusted (self-reflection) or maladjusted (rumination) forms of emotion regulation (Greenwood & Long, 2009).

Young people also listen to music to relieve tension and distract themselves from worries (Gantz, Gartenberg, Pearson, & Shiller, 1978). In other words, they use music to cope with stress. This has often been theorised but rarely operationalised. Recently, Miranda and Claes (2009) proposed a three-factor model of coping by music that measures emotional management, problem-solving, and avoidance through listening to music. It revealed that adolescents' depression was linked to more emotional management and avoidance, but to less problem-solving through music listening. Thus, coping by music listening is complex as it involves both beneficial and deleterious patterns of coping strategies (Miranda & Claes, 2009).

Hence, developmental psychology should devote more attention to music as a developmental resource for emotion regulation and coping in adolescence. Music is abundant and ubiquitous, and these characteristics render it particularly practical for adolescents' everyday management of emotions and stress.

Personality and motivation

Research has now mapped links between personality and musical behaviours (Rentfrow & Gosling, 2003). Notably, a two-year longitudinal study indicated that traits from the five-factor model of personality (e.g. Extraversion and Openness) can predict music tastes in adolescence (Delsing, ter Bogt, Engels, & Meeus, 2008). This supports the notion that traits are dispositions that influence adolescents' musical behaviours. In turn, the six-month longitudinal study of Miranda, Gaudreau, and Morizot (2010) also determined that coping by music can predict the short-term development of personality traits (Neuroticism) in adolescence. These findings move towards a transactional implication as music and personality may share reciprocal influences.

Research on motivation is essential as it addresses our reasons for listening to music. Surprisingly, this question was understudied. But recently, Chamorro-Premuzic and colleagues developed a three-factor model of motives for listening to music: emotional use, rational/cognitive use, and background use (for example, Chamorro-Premuzic et al., 2009). North and collaborators (2000) also found a three-factor model of reasons for listening to music among adolescents: creating social image, satisfying emotional needs, and enjoyment. Recently, ter Bogt, Mulder, Raaijmakers, and Gabhainn (2011) identified four uses of music among young people: mood enhancement, coping with problems, defining personal identity, and marking social identity. From these, they conducted a latent class analysis that identified three profiles of listeners: high-involved (19.7%), medium-involved (74.2%), and low-involved (6.1%). These results are in keeping with cluster analyses from Miranda and Gaudreau (2011), which showed that 19.3% of adolescents were `emotionally-negative listeners', 31.6% were `emotionally-positive listeners', but that most (49.1%) were `emotionally-limited listeners'. Taken together, these person-centred findings suggest a provocative nuance: many (but not most) adolescents are passionate about (or react passionately to) music. Nonetheless, the main functional implication of this line of research - yet again - is that emotion regulation is the primary motive for listening to music, especially in youth (Lonsdale & North, 2011).

Developmental psychology would probably be able to find unprecedented reciprocal influences between motivation and personality if it considered adolescents' reasons for listening to music as an original mediator of some of these (motivation - personality) transactions.

Music and gender differences

Gender differences influence adolescent development and the determinants of these differences involve biological, psychological, and social factors (Galambos, Berenbaum, & McHale, 2009). There seems to be gender differences in musical behaviours during adolescence. However, the evidence is more mixed than often thought.

Adolescent girls can spend more time listening to music (for example, Roberts et al., 2009); however, this gender difference is not always replicable (for example, Schwartz & Fouts, 2003). It is also not clear if girls give more importance to songs' lyrics because studies rarely account or control for lyrics. In terms of music preferences among adolescents, Mulder and collaborators (2010) remarked that while some gender differences remain (e.g. pop music is more liked by girls), others may gradually disappear (e.g. rock music is now equally appreciated by girls and boys). Interestingly, they observed that the longitudinal stability of music preferences does not reveal gender differences. As for adolescents' personality, their Openness predicts greater music eclecticism (diversified music tastes) among both girls and boys (Miranda & Claes, 2008).

Gender differences may be more pronounced with regards to motives for listening to music. Adolescent girls give more importance to fulfilling their emotional needs through music, whereas adolescent boys give more importance to managing their social identity with music (North et al., 2000). Also, coping by music listening seems to be used more frequently by girls than boys (Miranda & Claes, 2009). This may explain why the links between music and symptoms of mood disorder are also more significant among girls as they could make more use of music listening as an attempt to cope with their symptoms (Miranda & Claes, 2008). Still, in terms of adolescents' emotional reactions to music, Roberts, Dimsdale, East, and Friedman (1998) reported no gender differences. Moreover, Miranda and Gaudreau (2011) used a person-centred approach (cluster analysis) that yielded significant links between emotional reactions to music and emotional well-being, and these links remained similar among girls and boys.

Musical activities can also impact adolescents' gender-role development, for instance through gender stereotyping (O'Neill, 1997). In their review, Brown and Bobkowski (2011) point out that media provide models, scripts, expectations, and stereotypes about romantic and sexual relationships in youth. Media could be an educational resource for developing progressive gender-role attitudes, but unfortunately, it can also perpetuate conventional gender roles in youth (Brown & Bobkowski, 2011). For instance, using a multivariate structural analysis among adolescents, ter Bogt, Engels, Bogers, and Kloosterman (2010) found that different music preferences could be associated either with more or less gender stereotypes. In their literature review, North and Hargreaves (2008) report studies showing that those songs' lyrics that convey gender stereotypes may encourage gender stereotyping and even sexism during youth.

In sum, developmental psychology should address the impact that songs can have on the development of gender roles and stereotypes in adolescence. Moreover, gender differences - in a given culture and at a given time - may also partially explain why different adolescents can develop different motives (emotional and social reasons) for listening to music.

musical hits development outlook adolescents identity



CHAPTER II

THE LANGUAGE CHANGE IN AMERICAN MUSIC

2.1 Influence of modern music on young generations

At the outset, developmental psychologists may wonder whether music has any significant influence on some of the biological, psychological, and social factors that compose human nature. The answer seems to be yes; and prototypical examples can be provided.

Biological effects

From an evolutionary perspective, music could be an evolved psychological mechanism in as much as it seems to have been potentially adaptive for increasing our fitness for survival in terms of better mate selection, social cohesion, synchronised group effort, perceptual development, motor skill development, conflict reduction, safe time passing, transgenerational communication of culture, and self-regulation (Huron, 2003; McDermott & Hauser, 2005).

From a contemporary perspective, music is mediated by and impacts some of our biological structures and processes (Peretz & Zatorre, 2003). Findings from brain lesion and neuroimaging studies indicate that musical processing is embedded within a complex network of cortical and subcortical pathways (Peretz & Zatorre, 2005). Music activates neurotransmitters involved in pleasure (dopamine; Menon & Levitin, 2005), modulates hormones involved in stress (cortisol; Khalfa, Dalla Bella, Roy, Peretz, & Lupien, 2003), and social bonding (oxytocin; Nilsson, 2009). Research also reveals analgesic effects for music (Mitchell & MacDonald, 2006).

Psychological effects

The psychological effects of music are obviously discussed throughout this article. But emotions are the quintessential example. In fact, the Oxford English Dictionary defines music as `That one of the fine arts which is concerned with the combination of sounds with a view to beauty of form and the expression of emotion…' (1989, p. 126). Hence, it seems that common sense has explicitly taken for granted that music is mainly an emotional experience.

The psychology of music and emotions helps to better understand emotions as synchronised responses (cognitive appraisal, subjective feeling, physiological response, expression, action tendency and regulation) to changes in the environment (Juslin, Liljestrцm, Vдstfjдll, Barradas, & Silva, 2008). This area of research also contributes to our understanding of how musical emotions interact with key psychological phenomena (e.g. cognitions, aesthetics, motivation, performance, creativity, personality, social behaviours, health, and cross-cultural similarities and differences; Juslin & Sloboda, 2010). Experimental methods developed by the psychology of music offer sound methodological and ethical strategies to induce and manipulate strong emotions in laboratory settings (Juslin & Vдstfjдll, 2008). Correlational studies are using experience sampling methods to shed light on how music can elicit complex patterns of positive and negative emotions during the unfolding of our daily lives (Juslin et al., 2008). Worthy of note, this field of studies is advancing our knowledge about the mechanisms explaining how music induces emotions (e.g. brain stem reflexes, evaluative conditioning, emotional contagion, visual imagery, episodic memory, and musical expectancy; Juslin & Vдstfjдll, 2008). Furthermore, a promising research direction is that music can serve the adaptive purpose of emotion regulation (Chamorro-Premuzic, Gomа-i-Freixanet, Furnham, & Muro, 2009).

Social effects

Music has social effects which are so noticeable that Hargreaves and North have claimed `music has many different functions in human life, nearly all of which are essentially social' (1997, p. 1). In infancy, lullabies promote a fundamental social bond, namely maternal attachment (Milligan, Atkinson, Trehub, Benoit, & Poulton, 2003). The potency with which music stimulates and modulates interpersonal relationships in social events (e.g. concerts, sporting events, parties, dates, dances, ceremonies, rallies, dinners) has led authors to refer to it as a `social lubricant' (for example, Lewis, 2002, p. 364). When individuals become acquainted, they often use music preferences to manage social impressions, evaluate each other's similarity, and subtly acquire a social perception about the personality and values of the person they meet (Rentfrow & Gosling, 2006). For instance, music tastes are commonly used as sensible social matching criteria on the Internet (Rentfrow & Gosling, 2006). Music tastes can thereby be utilised as a `badge' about one's personality and social status (North & Hargreaves, 2008). People also develop social schemas and even stereotypes about fans of different music genres (Rentfrow, McDonald, & Oldmeadow, 2009), and this can influence intergroup dynamics by shaping in-groups and out-groups that are based on different music tastes (Bakagiannis & Tarrant, 2006).

Nevertheless, the implications of this vast and rich psychology of music literature are not generally accessed in developmental psychology. At least two factors can explain why developmental psychologists can underestimate the importance of music in adolescence: lack of scientific communication; and trends of publications on music in developmental journals.

Trends of publications on music in developmental journals

The turning of the twenty-first century has witnessed the blossoming of sophisticated and diversified studies on music, especially in cognitive/affective neuroscience (Peretz & Zatorre, 2003), child/educational psychology (McPherson, 2006), and social psychology (North & Hargreaves, 2008). Prominent researchers are even publishing bestselling books that popularise cutting-edge scientific work in the cognitive neuroscience of music (for example, Levitin, 2008; Sacks, 2007).

The PsycINFO database, an authoritative archive of most references to scientific research in psychology, was consulted in order to describe the trends of publications on music in peer-reviewed journals over the last 150 years. In the PsycINFO database (1806 to third week of May 2011), the keyword `music' generated 12,934 references from peer-reviewed journals. From the distribution of these references across decades, Last decade (2001-2010) has seen the sharpest increase in scientific publications on the psychology of music.

Nonetheless, music seems to be relatively slower at becoming a major theme of research in developmental psychology. 78 references about music that PsycINFO (1806 to third week of May 2011) identified in specialized journals on adolescence (Adolescence, International Journal of Adolescence and Youth, Journal of Adolescence, Journal of Adolescent Heath, Journal of Adolescent Research, Journal of Early Adolescence, Journal of Research on Adolescence, and Journal of Youth and Adolescence). From these, an early article was that of Santiago (1969), which discussed how the Beatles' songs were pertinent to understand and communicate with adolescents during therapy. Interestingly, in the last decade (2001-2010) there was still a moderate increase of studies on music among journals specialized in adolescence. 99 references about music, which PsycINFO identified in some of the major journals of developmental psychology (British Journal of Developmental Psychology, Child Development, Developmental Psychology, Developmental Review, Developmental Science, Journal of Child Psychology and Psychiatry, European Journal of Developmental Psychology, Journal of Experimental Child Psychology, Infancy, Infant and Child Development, Infant Behavior and Development, and International Journal of Behavioral Development). In the 1930s, Child Development by itself had already published seven articles involving music. For instance, Fitchen (1931) presented a case study on the music development of a child. Overall, the last decade (2001-2010) has again seen a moderate increase in music studies among journals on developmental psychology.

Therefore, in absolute terms, there is a steady yet disappointedly modest increase of studies on music in journals specialized in adolescence and development. It may be that music psychologists prefer to publish in their own specialist journals instead of developmental journals. Still, it may also be that developmental editors and reviewers have rarely been provided with sufficient evidence in favour of publishing articles on the developmental significance of music in adolescence. Some researchers may argue that these dozens of references to music in adolescence are quite enough considering the peripheral nature of music for `serious' developmental psychologists. Such a point of view would be a false note, of course. To the contrary, it is unfortunate that so little developmental research has been conducted on music in youth, especially when considering the millions of songs that are being sold to adolescents, as well as the billions of hours that they devote listening to music. In fact, music is still considered a novel and intriguing theme of research in developmental psychology, whereas it is business as usual for a youth music industry that has long developed an impressive repertoire of artistic, technological, and economical expertise. In other words, a more prolific developmental psychology of music would allow mainstream developmental psychology to catch up with the increasingly musical lives of contemporary adolescents.

A developmental psychology of music in adolescence

A developmental psychology of music in adolescence investigates the influence that musical behaviours, emotions, cognitions, and motives can have on normative and positive development, as well as psychopathology (Miranda & Gaudreau, 2011). In the last 20 years, studies have gradually documented the significance of music in adolescence (North & Hargreaves, 2008; Zillmann & Gan, 1997). Unfortunately, this increasingly robust psychology of music literature is not generally accessed in developmental psychology.

The overarching aim of this literature review is to build bridges between the psychology of music and developmental psychology in adolescence. It thereby provides a concise and representative summary of the extant literature on music in adolescence. This should inform developmental psychologists on how music listening is a resource that plays a role in adolescent development. In light of this, along with references to recent empirical findings, three arguments will be developed in support of the pertinence of music as a theme of research in adolescent psychology. First, music can influence key aspects of adolescent development. This central argument presents theoretical implications and draws research directions. Second, music can represent a protective and a risk factor, which is pertinent for researchers studying developmental psychopathology. Third, music can serve as an adjunct component in prevention and intervention, which is of particular interest to clinical psychologists and those working in prevention science for adolescents.

Music is important for the development of many adolescents

Adolescence is a period of transition and plasticity from childhood to adulthood, in which transactions - between a self-determined (and predisposed) individual and his/her changing (and stable) social environment - are intertwined within and across ecological systems as they cascade over time (Lerner & Steinberg, 2009a, 2009b; Masten & Cicchetti, 2010). This period of biopsychosocial reorganization brings novel stressors, complex issues, and developmental challenges (Arnett, 1999) and most adolescents are able to adapt to this and thrive developmentally (Steinberg & Morris, 2001). Music is their soundtrack during this intense developmental period. On average, adolescents listen to music for up to three hours daily and accumulate more than 10,000 hours of active music listening throughout adolescence (Roberts et al., 2009; Tarrant, North, & Hargreaves, 2000; Zillmann & Gan, 1997). The huge amount of time they dedicate to music makes them young expert listeners. Moreover, their time spent listening to music keeps increasing thanks to ever more media-socialising and multi-tasking portable computers. This highlights the timeliness of studying music among adolescents of the Internet generation.

This review is thus grounded in the assumption that adolescents' self-initiated and ever more intense exposure to music occurs during a life period of plasticity in which they experience (and need to resolve) numerous developmental tasks, transitions, and issues (for example, Larson, 1995; Miranda & Claes, 2009; Schwartz & Fouts, 2003; Zillmann & Gan, 1997). This review's central theoretical implication is thereby that such developmental timing - the transaction between music and adolescence - opens a critical window in which music can influence at least seven major areas of development: aesthetics; identity; socialisation; emotion regulation and coping; personality and motivation; gender roles; and positive youth development.

Music and aesthetics

Aesthetic development can pertain to how people develop their perception of beauty in great a many stimuli of life, including artistic work like music. Developmental psychology has actually understudied aesthetic and artistic development in youth (Lin & Thomas, 2002) and the psychology of aesthetics has generally focused on visual rather than musical experiences (but see Nieminen, Istуk, Brattico, Tervaniemi, & Huotilainen, 2011). Arguably, adolescents are primarily exposed to huge amounts of auditory artistic stimuli (i.e. songs) from which they may develop an increasingly mature understanding for aesthetics and the arts. They listen to music because it sounds good - for its aesthetic pleasure (North, Hargreaves, & O'Neill, 2000). Although some may opine that studying aesthetics for music is not a priority in adolescent psychology, ironically it is serious business in other high-profile professional areas (e.g. music industry, marketing). In adolescence, exploring music tastes can develop a sense of competency through discerning the cool from the boring and the fashionable from the passй in youth culture. In fact, adolescence seems to be a critical period for developing musical tastes as they may develop into familiar cognitive prototypes through acculturation (Hargreaves, North, & Tarrant, 2006). In fact, a 21-month longitudinal study confirmed that aesthetic appreciation for music is developed in early adolescence and that it stabilises during late adolescence (Mulder, ter Bogt, Raaijmakers, Gabhainn, & Sikkema, 2010).

Hence, developmental psychology should study whether aesthetic development for music may stimulate adolescents' autonomous originality and relatedness to real or perceived social norms in terms of what is considered to be artistically and creatively `beautiful' in a given culture and at a given time in history.

Positive psychology is a scientific movement that promotes research on positive aspects of growth in lieu of psychopathology (Seligman & Csikszentmihalyi, 2000). Research on music and positive adolescent development seems to be in its beginning. Still, findings suggest that adolescents' emotional well-being is bolstered when they can experience stronger positive emotions (versus negative emotions) from music, as well as when they can develop more musical relatedness (in terms of music tastes) with friends and family (Miranda & Gaudreau, 2011). Furthermore, music lessons in youth may have small but robust benefits for intellectual abilities and academic achievement (Schellenberg, 2006). And music education can promote peak experiences (`flow') and creativity among students (MacDonald, Byrne, & Carlton, 2006).

In closing, developmental psychology would probably benefit from capitalising on the huge amounts of music that adolescents already listen to anyway and every day. More research on the role of music in positive adolescent development is not only about how adolescents could use music to optimise their development, but mostly about how adolescents have been maintaining resilience and thriving by creatively using music as an everyday resource.

Music can represent a protective and a risk factor for psychosocial development

It seems that every generation has its share of music exploring unconventional, anti-authoritarian, or controversial themes that appeal to adolescents, but is of concern to many adults, parents, politicians, and healthcare professionals (North & Hargreaves, 2008).

Externalising problem behaviour

Most research on music and adolescent development examined the premise that songs that are considered more problematic (e.g. anti-authoritarian, obscene, degrading, antisocial, prejudicial) - in a given culture and at a given time - may constitute a risk factor for externalising problem behaviours (e.g. antisocial behaviour, violence, theft). North and Hargreaves (2008) reviewed this literature and concluded that so-called `problem music' (e.g., heavy metal, hip-hop, Goth) can be linked to more externalising behaviours in adolescence. However, they pointed out many research caveats, such as that most evidence is correlational and cross-sectional and thereby precludes any demonstration of causality and even prediction or risk. Baker and Bor (2008) also reviewed this literature and concluded that controversial music tastes are not causes of mental health issues, but rather (or perhaps) markers of emotional vulnerability.

On the other hand, studies using experimental designs indicate that antisocial songs seem to influence antisocial thoughts and feelings (Anderson, Carnagey, & Eubanks, 2003). Can this extend to actual behaviours? A recent longitudinal study utilised cross-lagged structural equation modelling to confirm that music genres that explore and express more controversial themes (heavy metal and hip-hop) can indeed predict more externalising problem behaviours during adolescence (Selfhout, Delsing, ter Bogt, & Meeus, 2008). These longitudinal findings are provocative, robust, and they can be grounded in well-known theoretical mechanisms (e.g. cognitive priming, excitation transfer, social cognition, and desensitisation; Brown & Bobkowski, 2011), which can predict that repeated exposure to aggressive songs would reinforce and prime aggressive behaviours in some vulnerable adolescents. Lastly, it should be underscored that, unfortunately, research has focused almost exclusively on music as a risk factor rather than as a protective factor against externalising problem behaviour in youth.

Internalising problem behaviour

There is a gradual increase of studies on music and internalising problem behaviour (e.g. mood dysregulation, depression, anxiety) in adolescence. Miranda, Gaudreau, Debrosse, Morizot, and Kirmayer (in press) reviewed this literature and suggested that listening to music could potentially influence (reduce or increase) subclinical internalising symptoms in as much as music involves emotion regulation and coping, social cognitive influences, as well as psychotherapeutic effects. They noticed that cross-sectional studies found concurrent links between music preferences (e.g. heavy metal) and internalising symptoms. However, they also pointed out that longitudinal evidence revealed that music preferences (including heavy metal) are not risk factors for internalising symptoms among adolescents (for example, Miranda & Claes, 2008).

Nonetheless, Primack, Swanier, Georgiopoulos, Land, and Fine (2009) conducted a seven-year longitudinal study which found that adolescents' excessive exposure to media (television, videocassettes, computer games, and radio) was a risk factor for depression symptoms in youth. According to the authors, among various mechanisms, this risk factor may be explained by young individuals' self-comparison with unattainable images, anxiety-provoking content, or displacement of protective experiences. Given that music is at the core of multi-tasking, one may posit that certain negative songs or videos may have a compounding effect on the overall impact of media on depression. However, researchers should remember that adolescents' favourite songs also convey plenty of positive messages. Accordingly, there is indication that some of today's most popular music can act as a protective factor against internalising symptoms. The six-month longitudinal study of Miranda and Claes (2008) demonstrated that listening to soul music (e.g. hip-hop, R&B) acted as a protective factor against depression symptoms among adolescents. This may be explained to some extent by the fact that African American music can often convey positive lyrics, powerful narratives, and vivid imagery, which elegantly explore themes of resilience, self-esteem, coping, self-determination, relatedness, and cultural pride.

Risky health behaviours

The potential influence of music on adolescents' risky behaviours (e.g. substance use, risky sexuality, self-harm) is also receiving a lot of attention. Popular songs can convey great amounts of messages about drugs; and adolescents' exposure to such lyrics is associated to their actual substance use (Primack, Douglas, & Kraemer, 2009). The influence of musical subcultures on adolescents' substance use also seems to be partially mediated by their socialisation with substance using peers (Mulder, ter Bogt, Raaijmakers, Gabhainn, Monshouwer, & Vollebergh, 2009). Nonetheless, Miranda, Gaudreau, Morizot, and Fallu (2012) used a sociometric design (peer nomination) to show that fantasising while listening to music may act as a protective factor against the influence of peer substance use on individual substance use in adolescence.

In terms of risky sexuality, a two-year follow-up study found that adolescents' exposure to music with degrading sexual lyrics predicted early sexual activities and intercourse (Martino et al., 2006). Another 12-month longitudinal study showed that greater exposure to `gangsta' rap music predicted risky sexual behaviours among African American female adolescents living in lower socio-economic-status neighbourhoods (Wingood et al., 2003).

North and Hargreaves (2008) pointed out that the potential links between music preferences and self-harm are obviously most alarming. But they conclude that preferences for so-called `problem music' is probably a marker of vulnerability rather than a causal factor. Young, Sweeting, and West (2006) conducted an eight-year longitudinal study with adolescents. Their findings showed that fans of the Goth music subculture were at greater risks for self-harm and suicidal behaviour, but possibly due to mechanisms of peer selection rather than peer modelling. Finally, it should also be mentioned that adolescents who often used MP3 players engage in more risky listening behaviours (e.g. listening with earbud-style earphones at high volume) that can lead to hearing loss (Vogel, Verschuure, van der Ploeg, Brug, & Raat, 2009).

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