4. Implications of Embedded Sex Trafficking

Having established that ST is embedded, the question that many have asked is, `so what?' Why does it matter that ST is embedded? Does it change anything? The answer is: yes - it does matter - it changes everything. The first major implication of embedded ST is that it is not going away anytime soon. Just as migration, prostitution, and exploitation have existed as long as civilization has, the culmination of those three in ST will continue to exist for a long time to come. Extracting a deeply embedded institution such as ST from society is no easy task and, barring some major, unexpected change in Nigerian politics, society, and development, may take hundreds of years or more. This means that any political war against trafficking is just that - political. The UK government recently pledged 5 million GBP to counter trafficking in Nigeria (Upright, 2017) - 5 million pounds to stop an industry worth billions which also happens to be embedded in all key aspects of society. While the UK government may not have considered the embeddedness of ST, they know that it is a much larger industry than can be affected by 5 million pounds. It is interesting that this pledge to stem the flow of trafficked people to the UK came after BREXIT when xenophobia appears to be at an all-time high in the UK.

The next major implication of embedded ST is the further `othering' of `the Nigerian. The increased prevalence and the growing, global notoriety of ST in Nigeria are conferring upon Nigerians an image of an `other,' not one of `us,' or even one of `them,' but something else - a `Nigerian.' A corrupt, letter scamming, drug dealing, weapon trafficking, sex trafficking other. Any Nigerian in Italy, of any age, is expected to be either a drug dealer or a prostitute, if not both. Ekhikhebolo told me of people in Italy approaching her asking to have sex with her daughter since her daughter was ten years old. Even when her daughter was at university studying law, she was being approached for prostitution. Ekhikhebolo stated that, besides in her work, she avoids anybody or anything Nigerian as much as she can, evidence that even people from Nigeria are `othering' the Nigerian.

This degradation of reputation, this othering, means fewer legitimate opportunities for people from Nigeria. Unlike most people who need to prove `what they are' to be awarded an opportunity, the Nigerian first needs to prove `what they are not.' Even here, at the Higher School of Economics, one of the most prestigious universities in Russia, students were invited from Nigeria to study but were detained by border officials due to a suspicion of trafficking. This necessity to prove `what you are' not only adds complexity to the already difficult path to legitimacy in Nigeria, forcing people to seek illegitimate opportunities such as ST.

With one of the keys to the eradication of ST being socioeconomic development, which arguably requires foreign investment to do so, the distrust fostered by the reputation degradation of Nigeria is a roadblock towards this goal. It never makes sense to invest in mutually beneficial, long-term projects when you cannot trust your Nigerian partners or the future of the socioeconomic situation in the country. Furthermore, with remittances indirectly affecting development, this then implies that one of the keys to the eradication of ST, is more ST, as other foreign opportunities are hard to gain, due to the reasons stated above.

Consequently, given that ST can be linked to personal and socioeconomic development, Nigerian society can come to appreciate exploitation as a valid means of empowerment, causing an expansion of the exploitation-for-empowerment market. This market is already vast in Nigeria as they are ranked 8^th in the world with an estimated 875,000 people in forced labor (GSI, 2016). With exploitation-fueled empowerment being embedded in society, this has the potential to change the concept of human rights, negatively affect health in the country, and increase inequality and class distinctions as the gap between exploiter and exploited widens. As seen in ST, it also creates the goal in society to rise from exploited to exploiter, as many people who are trafficked end up trafficking others.

As this exploitation-fueled empowerment becomes more commonplace, it means there will be no deception, and trafficking will transform into irregular migration, prostitution, and debt bondage, requiring society to adapt to the new socioeconomic situation or adapt their laws to find a way to condemn it. This legislative revision, however, would either reduce freedoms or make migration harder, which is how political institutions facilitate ST in the first place.

Furthermore, as the exploitation-for-empowerment market for unskilled labor grows, many people, knowing they have a future in prostitution, or drugs or weapons trafficking will cease to invest in their education and personal development. Already, many girls in Edo State leave school early as they believe it does not offer them a future, and education is deteriorating in the country. Education offers the most holistic path towards socioeconomic development. If the embeddedness of ST is followed by a decrease in education, its eradication is forsaken.

This abandonment of personal development, coupled with the distrust inherent in being `othered,' precludes the possibility of gaining personal freedom, which then prevents the acquisition of love and happiness. Mastery of the self and society is essential for gaining freedom, as only when you have mastered them can you be independent of them, and mastery requires personal development (Bakunin, 1971; Leopold, 2006; Stepelevich, 2006). Part of mastering society is the building of trust, as without others we can depend on, our freedom is severely limited (Sayer, 2005). A lack of independence is dependence, and as long as there is dependence, there is insecurity. Dependence prevents real love, and insecurity prevents happiness. Therefore, the distrustful, materialistic environment created by embedded ST, while leading to socioeconomic enrichment, impedes personal enrichment.

Additionally, the idea of a future in ST and the acceptance of the commodification of humans will also affect the decision-making of families, possibly leading to breeding-for-prostitution, and baby mills for the same purpose. Essentially, the embeddedness of ST, the commodification of humans, the drive for material gain at any cost, being exploited to become an exploiter, and the facilitation of exploitation, leads to the dehumanization of society.



5. Recommendations

5.1 Nigeria

While the last chapter may have appeared to spell out the doom of humankind, some actions can be taken to disembed ST from Nigerian society. Though ST is a symptom of the global economic and development paradigm, it is not embedded in every society, even though it exists in many different societies. One of the actual benefits of the embeddedness of Nigerian ST is that it makes it visible. Most ST around the world is pushed deep underground, making it difficult to reveal, understand, and eradicate. The visibility of Nigerian ST allows for experimentation and analysis within combat efforts, which would be very beneficial towards understanding the purposes and outcomes of global development.

Given the stubborn nature of embedded institutions such as ST, corruption, and inequality, any solution towards their eradication will require long-term planning. In chapter one using a vein of gold as a metaphor, I said that the only way to remove an embedded institution is either to wait and hope that over time natural forces cause it to leak out on its own, or to introduce a major shock to society, such as a major technological advance, war, or revolution. In order for the institution to leak out over time, there would have to be a concerted effort by the institutional framework, but, due to the mass distrust in Nigeria, fractionalization, and the weak formal and informal institutions, the coordination necessary to eradicate an embedded institution such as ST is nearly impossible to achieve. Without a mechanism to strengthen informal institutions organically, and without strong formal institutions in place to affect the informal, an alternative approach to formal institutions must be taken. Therefore, my first recommendation is just that. Given the impermanence of democracy, with each new government creating an entirely new development strategy every four or five years, it is ill-suited to bring about change in a country with such complex problems as Nigeria. Furthermore, Nigeria has a `mean years of schooling' of 5.9 (UNDP, 2015), which means the average Nigerian has the education of an eleven-year-old. As an educated and experienced parent would not give their eleven-year-old child a voice in how to manage the household during times of crisis, neither can a government rely on an uneducated populace to decide the future of the country during such a complicated development process. Tough times call for tough measures, and democracy, as it is known, must be delayed. However, I do not advocate a traditional dictatorship as that will only create more problems than it would hope to solve in a highly fractionalized, distrusting state, such as Nigeria. I propose a representative authoritarian meritocracy (RAM) based on China's model of decentralized development and incentive-based promotions and modified to suit the institutional environment of Nigeria. The exact design of the RAM would have to be well planned in coordination with politicians, academia, and community, tribal, and religious leaders to ensure that it is indeed representative of the entire country. This would hope to alleviate the power imbalances and possibly corruption which currently exist, as each member, having equal political power, may not allow others to gain while they, and the people they represent, do not.

While Western-centric views paint anything other than democracy as evil, there may be evidence that Nigeria is not so averse to non-democratic governance. Based on the Quality of Government study, Nigeria has the 13^th lowest acceptance of democracy in the world, with only 60 % in favor. Furthermore, Nigerian perceptions of the existence of deliberative democracy, deliberative decision-making involving consensus and majority rule, and egalitarian democracy, that everybody is equal in his or her ability to exercise their democratic rights were held by only 43 % and 33 % respectively (Dahlberg et al., 2017). This means that most people do not believe that a real democracy currently exists, while many do not believe there should be a democracy in the first place, though it is certainly possible that the weak performance of democracy in the country is the reason for this. However, the possibility still remains that a non-democratic government could be accepted in Nigeria, especially given the success that China has had with their governance structure since its inception in 1978 In 1978, Deng Xiaoping engineered China's departure from communism towards `socialism with Chinese characteristics' which included the opening of the Chinese economy to the world, the introduction of a meritocratic, incentivized decentralization of powers, and the marketization and the privatizing of public entities. The result was that China rose to have the 2^nd highest economy in the world, and reduced poverty from 88% in 1981 to 11% in 2010, which is unheard of in history (Whelan, n.d.)..

The initial mandates of the RAM would be to bring about stability through a strong enforcement of the law; to eradicate gender, tribal, and religious inequalities; to maximize the gain from the extraction of its resources; to develop infrastructure; to create jobs; to reform and improve education; ensure a basic social policy; and to work with the community to discover the institutional causes of its social problems to discover solutions. With stability, and given Nigeria's large, low-paid workforce, this should attract international companies to invest and set up factories, creating jobs and contributing to the growth of the country. Eradicating gender, tribal, and religious inequality greatly improves the productivity of a country by increasing the talent pool. Current resource extraction regimes are based on exploitation causing mass amounts of money and resources to leave the country, and contributing relatively little towards development, so to take control of those processes will greatly aid the country. Nigeria is one of the least developed countries in the world in terms of infrastructure (Dahlberg et al., 2017), while infrastructure development creates jobs and supports business creation by reducing costs that would have otherwise been incurred by businesses (Okoh & Ebi, 2013). Additionally, infrastructure development, such as roads, railways, and high-speed internet plays a major role in bridging the distances, both mental and physical, between tribes, helping to break barriers and create cohesion. Supplying people with legitimate jobs increases tax revenues, as well as providing incomes to families. Improving education increases human capital, and, subsequently, productivity. As well, putting a strong focus on personal development in the education system will also help to create a more aware and responsible population. A modicum of social policy ensures that the population is not in dire need during times of transition, preventing crimes of necessity. With ST being embedded in local society, it means that local society can describe it best and must play a part in finding the solutions. Any policy implementation without considering the community would be as previously stated, an unsupported legislative declaration, and most likely would not be socially enforced. When considering where the money will come from, Nigeria has one of the lowest government debts in the world (Dahlberg et al., 2017), so once a strong government is in place with a long term plan, increased spending will be necessary and beneficial. It is crucial, however, that the strategy and the systems to enforce it be in place before spending begins, otherwise funds will continue to be lost to corruption, nepotism, and mismanagement.

Once stability is maintained, and growth has begun, medium range planning would continue with infrastructure development, further creating jobs and eradicating slums, while overall creating a feeling of progress within the country, renewing pride and creating unity. Further improvement of education quality and ease of access at all levels is crucial. An improvement in the provision of social services to allow for some comfort during the transition would help to ease tensions within society. Continued efforts to eradicate inequality, would increase productivity and reduce the incidence of people being pushed into illegitimate spheres such as ST.

Long term planning would be focused on transitioning through the resource and infrastructure development fueled growth towards a service based economy. This would require a continued focus on educational quality and attainment and improved social services provision. Equality will be sought on the basis of the quality of life, and the harmony of society. Transparency would also become necessary at this time, to create trust as well as to educate the population in the matters of state. As the country is secured as a stable economy, with an educated workforce, and without any glaring inequalities, the government can then reduce its authoritarian interference in the management of the country, and elements of democracy can be gradually added to the RAM before eventually transitioning to a full democracy in the future.

While a RAM might sound highly controversial to some, given the weak institutional environment in Nigeria, the only way to strengthen informal institutions in a distrusting, unequal society is by strengthening formal institutions in a legitimate way, and then strictly enforcing them so that society effectively learns what is acceptable and what is not. Ambrosino and Fiori (2017, p. 1) call this a top-down process of change. Then, as society becomes harmonized in its vision of what is right and what is wrong, society, and the economy will be more predictable, which should increase investment and socio-economic development. It can serve to create stability, reduce inequality, create opportunities, increase education and personal growth, and remove the need to involve oneself in exploitative activities. Only a holistic approach, involving the government, Nigerian society, and the global community can have any effect on eradicating an embedded institution, but the stark divisions in Nigerian society are too complicated for the government to maintain control, which prevents the global community from being able to aid in creating change.

Furthermore, Amartya Sen (2001), and certainly many others would argue against the limiting of political freedoms to increase economic development, arguing that freedom is more important than economic needs, and therefore should not be sacrificed to satisfy economic needs. However, this is a highly idealistic and unrealistic notion of freedom. As it has been pointed out in Chapter 4, personal liberty requires mastery of the self and society. To master society means to master the following of society's rules. As any text on leadership will delineate, to be an effective leader one must also be a proficient follower. This period of mastering society, this followership, is a period of dependence, as one relies on society to satisfy all of their needs. Hence it is not a period of freedom or independence. Freedom is a tool, which is neutral by itself, and depending on the quality of the application of that tool, a positive, neutral, or negative result can be achieved. Mastery of the self, and of society, increases the quality of application of freedom, allowing for a positive result. This is why it is not beneficial for children to be given too much freedom - without training, experience, and maturity, the use of freedom can have drastically negative consequences for the child and the people around them. Just as when an adult, in the use of their freedom, is a danger to themselves and to others, society calls for the incarceration, and hopefully rehabilitation of the offender. This restriction of their liberty is an opportunity for mastery so they can then make a better use of their freedom. I argue that freedom is not inherently positive and that not all people should have freedom all the time, while I agree that it should be a goal. It is in the best interest of society, and the individual, to be guided through mastery before being given too much freedom. Just as with any human, mastery of society requires the opportunity to acquire resources for education and the satisfaction of basic needs. Therefore, just as the human will forego freedom to acquire the means to achieve mastery, increasing the quality of their ultimate freedom, society would benefit from doing the same.

Lipset (1960), Barro (1996), Djankov et al. (2002), Przeworski (2004), and Glaeser et al. (2004) would agree with me. They propose that growth in poor countries comes from increased human and social capital; dictators with sound policies; and the subsequent improvement of institutions (Effiom & Ubi, 2015, p. 263; Glaeser et al., 2004, p. 298), which is very similar to my proposition of an authoritarian government which focuses on education, infrastructure, and opportunities, which should create growth and strengthen both formal and informal institutions. In the case of deliberate development, however, a RAM is much more feasible and realistic, as dictators with good policies are rare and difficult to predict. Additionally, Okoh and Ebi (2013) found that infrastructure development relies on contract enforceability and the reduction of corruption, which should be possible with a RAM.

5.2 Host Countries

Recommendations for host countries, such as Italy and Russia, are not so easy to decide on as each country has a different situation and different ideas about development. Italy's policies toward refugees and migrants allow for greater independence and a higher quality of life for trafficked people than in Russia. However, these same laws allow much more people to enter Italy, and drugs, weapons, and violence are coming with them, while this does not appear to be the case in Russia. If asylum and migration laws become stricter, it would make it harder for law-abiding citizens to escape conflict, for students to take advantage of international education opportunities, and for people wishing to conduct legitimate business - all affairs which can improve the quality of life of migrants, transnational relations, and socioeconomic development. Any law or policy which gives financial or legal aid to migrants, or asylum privileges, are exploited by traffickers, and countries do so at their own risk. The common, informal policy I observe applied in both Russia and Italy, though much more so in Russia, is to turn a blind eye. Knowing that most of the people want to be trafficked and that it is an opportunity for them, law enforcement and officials let them continue with what they are doing, as long as they do not create any obvious problems for them. However, this informal policy is essentially a refusal of their official existence, and this means that the people are not awarded the benefits or protection of the state. I do not believe this stance to be merely absent-mindedness, but strategic, in that, if they acknowledge their existence, they must choose a side - either to consider them as victims of trafficking or as illegal economic migrants. Since neither of them is entirely true, actions in either direction would be undesirable, as they both involve investigations and arrest, and the direction of the former would mean assisting criminals, while the latter would mean punishing victims. The same might be said of the legalization of prostitution. In countries with weak institutions, corruption, and mismanagement, such as Nigeria, Italy, and Russia, legalizing prostitution would be legalizing exploitation, making it harder to distinguish between agents and traffickers, which is why I believe these countries follow an informal policy of deliberate inaction. Consequently, given the complexity of the situation that host countries find themselves in, I refuse to give any recommendation that does not offer a net positive result, while I do not condemn the aforementioned policies either. Individual nations, with their own unique institutional environments, should be free to choose what they believe provide the greater good. If there is to be any universal recommendation, it can only be to modify the education systems everywhere to increase the focus on personal awareness and development to gradually remove the overriding theme of exploitation embedded in societies around the globe.



Conclusion

In this research, I took a departure from the moral crusade surrounding ST, daring to venture into uncharted territory as few others have before me. Looking at ST originating in Nigeria from a detached perspective, I sought to understand and explain the institutional underpinnings of the phenomenon. Beginning with the stories of trafficked women and experts in the field, I found the patterns, recognized the process, and reconstructed the cycle, which illuminated its institutionalization. Examining ST as an institution, and its interactions with its institutional framework, allowed me to reveal its embeddedness. The formal institutions in Nigeria create an insecure situation which people want to leave but need to do so through irregular channels, and the weakness of enforcement does nothing to stop this. Economic institutions make ST administratively easier and much more profitable than other possibilities. Large families without means to support their children, seek to traffic one or two children to provide for the rest and to improve their quality of life Information about the trafficking of multiple children is from multiple interviews with Nigerians.. Religious institutions structure the ST community and bind parties in spiritual agreements of debt bondage. Informal institutions, such as the history of the slave trade, make the commodification of humans acceptable, while corruption makes ST possible, social networks make it easier, and the culture of bondage and sexual violence makes ST in Europe a possible welcome respite.

Realizing the enormity of the embeddedness of ST in society, I then sought to understand and explain the implications of this situation. The primary implication is that as ST has existed for millennia, it will remain for a long time to come, and will not be eradicated by political tricks and gimmicks. The second major implication is that the `othering' of `the Nigerian' will continue as ST continues, creating a world in which legitimate opportunities are less available to Nigerians, forcing them into illegitimate opportunities, such as ST. The third major implication, having recognized that ST represents both exploitation and empowerment, means that the trend of exploitation-fueled empowerment will continue to grow, modifying the labor market to accommodate the supply of exploited and exploiter `wannabes.' This concept of moral self-sacrifice in the name of financial gain can prevent the acquisition of personal freedom, love, and happiness.

Given the nature of embeddedness, the only options for eradication are either long-term planning over decades or centuries, or a major shock to society. As the necessary shock, I propose the introduction of a representative authoritarian meritocratic government to begin the transformation. With the unstable socioeconomic system in Nigeria, weak formal and informal institutions, and an under-educated population, democracy is ill-equipped to create stability and to reduce the structural inequalities in the country allowing for socioeconomic development, which is the only real solution to the problems plaguing Nigeria, including ST. Based on the complexity of ST for host countries, and the necessity to choose the lesser of two evils, I then explained why I refuse to give recommendations to either country, instead choosing to illuminate several possibilities. As an overall recommendation to all countries, I recommended embedding the education system in personal development to reduce exploitation everywhere.

This research is important and groundbreaking for several reasons. The most immediate impact this research should have is in the illumination of the embeddedness and institutional aspect of ST, and a greater understanding of the root causes. A major part of that understanding is the realization that while ST represents the exploitation of somebody, it is also their empowerment, as it allows them to gain resources and to climb the social ladder. Consequently, this duality indicates that the war versus trafficking becomes a war versus empowerment, underscoring the need for a long-term, holistic approach towards eradicating ST so that empowerment is not sacrificed to prevent exploitation.

A second significant contribution is that this research adds to the slowly growing scientific debate surrounding ST. The moral crusade painting ST as a suitable enemy is being used as a tool for political and financial gain without doing anything to affect the roots of exploitation, which is disastrous when considering the enormous amount of time and resources put towards the effort around the globe. ST is just a symptom of the global world order, and instead of the entire world trying to apply band-aid solutions, there should be more impartial study and understanding so a cure can be found for the disease underneath.

Another contribution is my approach to the subject. Being a student of an interdisciplinary subject like development, I customarily look for answers wherever they may exist. I sought to understand ST from many different aspects, including micro and macro, processes, power mechanisms, political, legal, social, economic, and moral. This comprehensive approach allowed me to notice a pattern in the stories of 13 women, and then draw conclusions, ask further questions, draw more conclusions, ask even further questions, and so on, until I was able to reveal the embeddedness of ST in Nigeria and the implications of them. Furthermore, putting the results from the stories, the cycles, the institutional explanations, and the implications of embeddedness all in one place gives the reader a more comprehensive understanding of ST.

Yet another contribution of my method is an extension of the use of the institutional approach. Thus far, the institutional approach is not widely used to study informal institutions, nevertheless given the vast importance of informal institutions to the structure of society around us, I believe that further development of this will be beneficial in creating an additional understanding of the root causes of social phenomena. Also, given that trafficking everywhere is not expected to be the same as trafficking from Nigeria, applying the institutional approach to the study of trafficking in other places will do much to gain a greater understanding of what initiates, facilitates, and supports it.

This research also contributes to the overall discourse concerning development in Nigeria and the region. Overcoming weak formal and informal institutions, a fractionalized society, and mass distrust is challenging, yet necessary if there is to be socioeconomic growth. It is time for the world to recognize that one system of governance, such as democracy, cannot be applied effectively in every situation. If there is going to be a genuinely concerted effort towards global development, leaders and academics must dare to look outside democracy to find strategies for optimal governance.

In recommending further research, given the temporal property of institutions, a historical comparative institutional analysis of the commodification of humans, through ST, human trafficking, and slavery in Nigeria would be enlightening. This would enable us to reveal how the institution came into being, how it changed over time, and possibly to make predictions about its future. Hopefully, it would also reveal the institutions which have affected it over time, both positively and negatively, so that a more explicit strategy for eradication could be conceived.

Furthermore, as Ostrom recommended that a broad theoretical framework should be created before diving into the niches to gain a deeper understanding, this research only showed the general embeddedness of ST, but there is much work to do in empirically explaining the exact impact of each institution. Further research can draw on this work to create indicators and perform quantitative analyses of the determinants and facilitators of ST. One such study could examine the effect of economic institutions and analyze trends in lifetime earnings and profits in ST compared to different career paths in Nigeria, as well as the social capital gained in various paths. Analyzing the trends in earnings differential will show how well the Nigerian economy is doing compared to ST while also showing how much progress is needed to make ST less attractive.

Also, while it may be difficult to conduct, I believe an interdisciplinary study of people in different roles in the ST value chain, including families which traffic their own children, analyzing values, motivations, and perceived gains, in pre and post-trafficking situations, will add much to understanding the acceptable commodification of humans. Additionally, a more in-depth analysis of the transformation that people go through, including others in the value chain would be monumental in gaining true understanding. I believe if academics from within the Edo community in Nigeria can undertake this with understanding instead of judgment, it may be possible.

Additionally, I believe a study of social networks within ST may be able to give more clarity to the structure of Nigerian trafficking. As of now, investigators in Italy have not been able to determine how Nigerian organized crime is structured From interviews with de Santis and Conzo, February 21, 2017, Naples.. However, this lack of understanding could be because the Igbo tribe is non-hierarchical, unlike other societies (Findlay, 2017). The visibility of Nigerian ST provides a clear opportunity for detached researchers to gain further understanding of exploitation, social networks, institutions, and development. There is evidence in some of the literature that traffickers are willing to speak about their experiences if approached in the right way (Politzer & Kassie, 2016; Vijeyarasa, 2016). Everybody craves to be understood, and for the people who have been labeled as other and outcast, it is even more so.

My own future research will be concerned with the direction and goals of development, arguing that the embeddedness of social relations and development in the economy contributes to the theme of exploitation omnipresent in the world, whether it is the global North exploiting the global south, the rich exploiting the poor, or the powerful exploiting the powerless. While economic sustainability and growth are important, it is only as a means to personal and societal growth, which means the economy should be embedded in personal and societal development, shaping economic decision-making along the lines of developmental institutions.



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List of Abbreviations

BREXIT - refers to the referendum supporting British exit from the European Union

GBP - Great Britain Pounds

HT - human trafficking

IOM - International Organization for Migration

MPC SS - Moscow Protestant Chaplaincy Social Services

NGO - non-governmental organization

RAM - representative authoritarian meritocracy

ST - sex trafficking

UK - United Kingdom

UN - United Nations

USA - United States of America

USD - United States Dollars



Appendix 1

Background information

· Location:

Where from

Where majority of life spent

· Family

constitution (parents, siblings, present cousins/uncles/aunts/grandparents, etc.)

home

wealth/poverty level

parents/siblings occupations

substance use/abuse

abuse

emotional

physical

sexual

neglect

· Education

Beginning age, leaving age/grade, reason for leaving, childhood before school

Quality of education/school

Certificates/completions of education

Teacher relationships

Abuse (emotional, physical, sexual, neglect)

· Childhood

Did they work? What kind of work? What kind of pay?

How did they play/spend free time

Friends

Gender (same/different/mix)

Ages (older/younger/same)

Occupations

Sexual activity

First boyfriend

Substance use

Drugs

Alcohol abuse

Trafficking experience:

· Age of entry

· Do you remember clearly the whole process?

· When did you first realize that something was wrong?

· Advertising/Recruitment

First contact

Where

Who (person, group, company)

How

· Promises made (job, pay, home, visa)

· The deal

· How heard about?

· cost

Overall experience

· Time and contact between making deal and leaving

· The trip

When

Who with

How

Transportation methods

· How long?

Border crossings

Freedom

Abuse

· Physical, sexual, psychological, verbal

Debt Bondage

· Amount to pay back

· How are victims of debt bondage for sexual exploitation treated?

Ask about living situations and nutrition

Drug and alcohol use and abuse

Forced, voluntary

Ask about abuse (emotional, sexual, physical, neglect), by debtors or by clients

Intentional or mistaken?

Injuries?

Sickness?

Sexual abuse

Forced acts

rape

Psychological abuse

Intimidation and threats

Lies, deception

Ask about health care

Access to health services

Ask about pay

Ask about freedom of movement, free time

Ask about working situation (location, hours, clients per day, cleanliness, condom use, etc.)

Pregnancies?

Abortions?

Overall feelings during debt bondage

Easily tired, crying more than usual, headaches, unhappy/sadness, inadequacy, etc.

Ever think of suicide?

· What are the realistic/feasible exit options from debt bondage?

Can ask the women what options they know of?

Can ask people who've exited this situation?

Do they feel they could have run away?



Appendix 2

1. What is your name?

2. Where are you from?

3. How did you come to be here?

4. Very briefly, what is your academic and employment background?

5. How long have you been in this line of work?

6. How long have you been with this organization?

7. How do people usually learn about the org?

8. Who are the typical clients of this org?

9. What does the org offer?

10. How is first contact usually made?

...