Reflection on queer issues during the Sochi Olympics

Issues in Russia portrayed in the Daily Mail prior to, and outside the context of, the Sochi Olympics and the World Cup. Portrayal of queer issues in Russia during the Sochi Olympics and World Cup in comparison to other images of queer in the Daily Mail.

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Äàòà äîáàâëåíèÿ 10.12.2019
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This morality politics has caused international outrage - such as surrounding the Sochi Olympics, where many called for a boycott of the games due to Russia's homophobic policies. However, it is likely that this outrage further reinforces the Putin administration's position, as it confirms Russia's fortitude against the West. Julia Ioffe, “Boycotting the Olympics Won't Stop Russian Homophobia”, The New Republic <https://newrepublic.com/article/114334/russian-olympics-boycott-wont-help-gays> (16/08/13) accessed 26 April 2018. In the context of a possible new Cold War situation between Russia and the West, Mararychev and Medvedev argue that this discourse “could prove to be the appropriate ideological platform” underlying the division. Andrey Makarychev and Sergei Medvedev, “Biopolitics and Power in Putin's Russia”, Problems of Post-Communism 62 (2015) 51. Authors Altman and Symons make the same argument in their book Queer Wars, saying it is “tempting to see a new Cold War being played out around homosexuality”. Dennis Altman and Jonathan Symons, Queer Wars: The New Global Polarisation over Gay Rights (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2016) Location 222. Altman and Symons argue that both the Obama administration and the Putin regime “used queer rights as a weapon to mobilise international opinion” with “Obama using the language of human rights against Putin's invocation of traditional cultural values”. Ibid., Location 253. This highlights both the international prominence of this issue as well has how it is a significant point of contention between Russia and the West, perhaps serving as an ideological justification for a new Cold War scenario.

It is evident from the literature detailed above that the Russian state is “more broadly in favour of the traditional social organisation of genders and families”. Ibid., 275. There is a clear contrast in how Russia constructs queer rights issues as compared to the UK (and the West in general), and the this issue now holds clear importance in international relations, as well as for the national identities of both the UK and Russia. This provides fertile ground for processes of othering based on this issue. An example of this can be seen in Putin's Valdai Address. This paper intends to show how the West also utilises comparable discourse (using the example of UK media) to construct Russia as intolerant and uncivilised. One important aspect of the concept of homonationalism that applies to Muslim groups but not to Russia is that of racialisation: whiteness is significant in Puar's conception of homonationalism. While Russia is ethnically diverse, its population is predominantly white. F.J. LeBlanc suggests that “Russian homophobia...undermines the performative liberalism of Whiteness and Europeanness” that exists in the western geopolitical imagination. LeBlanc, “Sporting Homonationalism”, 10. This challenges the idea of a white/non-white, western/Arab or Muslim binary perceived by many. This paper argues that the whiteness and (arguably) Europeanness of Russia does not preclude the application of homonationalism theories to West-Russia relations, but rather adds extra tension when Russia fails to comply with Western expectations.

Understanding the politics of queer rights and the use of state homophobia in an international setting is important because, as argued by Altman and Symons, international promotion of LGBT rights can result in the opposite of the desired effect due to the reasons highlighted above. This body of literature shows that international relations and queer politics are intrinsically linked, with queer issues becoming a significant point of tension in the interactions between many states. It highlights how the promotion of queer rights has become an important policy agenda for many Western nations, and LGBT acceptance can be linked to national identity. At the same time, it also shows a strong counter-reaction from states that still have a more traditional outlook on issues of gender and sexuality, creating a point of contention and potential conflict. Furthermore, it also reveals how the issue of queer rights is important not just in and of itself, but also as a reflection of wider tensions between Russia and the West.

1.5 Queer Politics and the 2014 Sochi Winter Olympics

It has been argued that “Russian homophobia has reached the world stage precisely because of the 2014 Olympics”. Ibid., 7. Both the Sochi Winter Olympics and the 2018 FIFA World Cup are mega-events that brought Russia, and consequently controversial issues surrounding Russia, to increased international attention The fact that this issue has entered the spotlight, especially at a time of heightened tensions with Russia, provided a platform for Western nations to affirm their tolerance, gay-friendliness, and the sexually liberated nature of their societies, and to position Russia as “intolerant, sexually repressed, and uncivilised”. Ibid. Baker describes how Olympic advertising in several Western nations highlighted “Narratives of LGBT inclusivity as a national value” citing the extensive use of rainbows even where “Olympic tie-in advertising conventions would normally lead viewers to expect national flags”. Catherine Baker, “The `gay Olympics'? The Eurovision Song Contest and the politics of LGBT/European belonging”, European Journal of International Relations 23:1 (2017) 107. Some examples include: Google using a rainbow logo and British broadcaster Channel 4 redesigning its logo with rainbows for the opening of the Games. Ibid., 107-108.

There are several analyses of queer politics and the 2014 Sochi Winter Olympics in existing literature. Shortly after the implementation of Russia's homo-propaganda in 2013 many LGBT figures and activists in the West started to call for their governments to boycott the Sochi Olympics. A famous example is British actor Stephen Fry's open letter to the then UK Prime Minister calling for a boycott or relocation of the games, which was reprinted and circulated by international news media. LeBlanc, “Sporting Homonationalism”, 1-2. Many drew a parallel between this Olympics and the 1936 Berlin Olympics hosted by Nazi Germany, arguing that there should be a boycott as the failure to boycott the Berlin Olympics that may have contributed to the following Holocaust. Healey, Russian Homophobia from Stalin to Sochi, 17. While a boycott was ultimately unsuccessful, many Western governments - and athletes - still expressed solidarity with LGBT Russians and concerns for the safety of LGBT participants and visitors to the Olympics. Healey, Russian Homophobia from Stalin to Sochi, 17-18; Helen Jefferson Lenskyj, Sexual Diversity and the Sochi 2014 Olympics: No More Rainbows (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2014) 40, 61. Putin himself was careful to warn citizens not to show hatred or violence towards anyone, including queer people, and to assure the international community that Russia is a tolerant country, that homosexuality is not criminalised, and that all attendants to the Olympics would be safe and comfortable. Healey, Russian Homophobia from Stalin to Sochi, 18; Lenskyj, Sexual Diversity and the Sochi 2014 Olympics, 69.

Historian Dan Healey points to several points of contention between Russia and the West since the 2000s including the 2003 Iraq War, the colour revolutions, the 2008 Russo-Georgian War, and the Syrian civil war and argues that “Confrontation with the West over LGBT rights at Sochi in 2014 was…rooted in a geopolitical turn that originated during and after Putin's first term in the Kremlin. Healey, Russian Homophobia from Stalin to Sochi, 146. Lenskyj argues that in fact it was the large number of political issues facing Russia and the US in 2013 (i.e. Russia's support of Assad in Syria, and Russia offering asylum to American whistle-blower Snowden), which made Obama unwilling to support a boycott of the games and risk sparking another potential area of conflict. Jefferson Lenskyj, Sexual Diversity and the Sochi 2014 Olympics, 47. This paper argues that the significant tensions in Russia-West relations at the time of the Sochi Olympics (and the World Cup) is what made these events prime opportunities for the spread of othering discourse based on queer rights in which Russia is demonised, similar to what occurred with anti-Arab and anti-Muslim discourse during the War on Terror.

One existing study, like this paper, looks at the Sochi Olympics and homonationalism in media portrayal: “The Sochi Olympics, Celebration Capitalism and Homonationalist Pride” by Travers and Shearman. It focuses on a content analysis of leading LGBT publications the Advocate (US) and Xtra (Canada). Based on this analysis they concluded that “these media inaccurately glorify the United States, Canada, and the West in general as progressive nonhomophobic/transphobic havens and the Olympic Games as fundamentally egalitarian and uncoupled from corporate gain”. Ann Travers and Mary Shearman, “The Sochi Olympics, Celebration Capitalism and Homonationalist Pride”, Journal of Sport and Social Issues 41:1 (2017) 62. They pointed out the lack of reference to other issues both in Russia (Circassian genocide which took place in the area of Sochi, violence and discrimination towards people of colour) and in the US and Canada (social inequality for many groups, high levels of incarceration in the US, and racism towards people of colour and indigenous people). Ibid., 62-63. While the focus of the article is somewhat different to this paper, it does highlight a media discourse that emphasises the virtues of the West based on progressive attitudes to queer issues, and criticism of Russia for the opposite.

Another article worth mentioning is: “The `gay Olympics'? The Eurovision Song Contest and the politics of LGBT/European belonging” by Catherine Baker. Baker's work demonstrates the prominence of human rights - and queer rights - advocacy discourse surrounding mega-events, in this case, Eurovision. Baker, “The `gay Olympics'?”, 97-121. She argues that Queer IR and other fields should take mega-events like Eurovision and the Olympics seriously as significant for the geopolitics of queer issues and Europe Russia relations. Ibid., 113. She suggests, as this paper does, that sort of discourse (described by Puar and Rahman) that was previously aimed towards Muslim groups is increasingly being used against Russia. This paper seeks to contribute to this existing body of literature in several ways. It will focus on the UK, whereas most previous studies have focused on the US or Europe as a whole. Furthermore, it will be based on one conservative media source, whereas other previous studies have focused on left wing sources or comparing a western source with a Russian one. By focusing on one media source, this paper intends to show the pattern of othering Russia by showing differences in the way that queer issues are portrayed in different situations and in relation to different groups. Finally, this paper will add a new example: the 2018 FIFA World Cup, as at the time of writing there is no published academic literature on queer issues and this event.

2. Research Design and Methodology

This research seeks to analyse the portrayal of LGBT issues in Russia through looking at the coverage of the UK's Daily Mail. The 2014 Sochi Winter Olympics and the 2018 FIFA World Cup were two mega-events that put Russia, and state homophobia in Russia under international scrutiny. Therefore, the coverage of queer issues in Russia in relation to these two events will be compared to the Daily Mail's coverage of queer issues in the following sections: Russia and UK Coverage 2008-2012, the 2014 Sochi Winter Olympics, the 2018 FIFA World Cup, and Russia and UK coverage 2013-2018. A total of 432 articles were collected and sorted. The full list of headlines can be found in the Appendices. A total of 6 sample articles will be analysed in depth using Emotion Discourse Analysis (EDA) with another 4 being drawn on for EDA. The 432 headlines collected will also be analysed for emotion and content.

In conducting this analysis three main research questions will be addressed:

1: How were queer issues in Russia portrayed in the Daily Mail prior to, and outside the context of, the Sochi Olympics and the World Cup?

2: How have queer issues outside of Russia been portrayed in the Daily Mail?

3: How does the portrayal of queer issues in Russia during the Sochi Olympics and World Cup compare to other portrayals of queer issues in the Daily Mail?

By analysing this coverage and addressing these questions, this research intends to establish a pattern of discursive othering of Russia present in the coverage of the Daily Mail.

Based on the literature review it is expected that the Daily Mail will associate negative emotions with Russia's stance on LGBT issues. It is expected that due to the socio-political context the issue of LGBT rights will be particularly prominent in the coverage of the Sochi Olympics, especially due the recent implementation of the homo-propaganda law making it a more “dramatic”/topical issue at the time. It is expected that there will be a greater focus on and negativity towards a lack of queer rights in Russia (or other countries), than in the UK, positioning the UK as progressive and sexually exceptional. However, it is also expected that when the coverage is focused on domestic issues, for instance same-sex marriage, the coverage will be less explicitly pro-queer rights and include more debate or negative perspectives on queer rights. Thus, it is anticipated that when covering issues related to Russia, the discourse of the Daily Mail will present the UK as accepting and tolerant of queer rights - a part of the imagined European progressive ideal and Russia as intolerant and uncivilised - as a dangerous other.

2.1 Emotion Discourse Analysis

The study of emotions in IR is becoming more popular and recognised as an important unit of analysis. Political scientist, Simon Koschut, argues that one does not need to look further than current events to see the importance that emotions have in world politics, citing the example of populists in the US and Europe “playing with fear” to shape political discourse. Simon Koschut, “Introduction to Discourse and Emotions in International Relations”, in “The Forum: Discourse and Emotions in International Relations”, International Studies Review 19 (2017) 482. Emotion discourse, Koschut argues, “can be strategically used to construct social hierarchies” and provides the example of “assigning praise or blame to actions or attributes” through the use of contrasting emotion categories. Simon Koschut, “Speaking from the Heart: Emotion Discourse Analysis in International Relations” in Researching Emotions in International Relations: Methodological Perspectives on the Emotional Turn, eds Maeva Clement and Eric Sangar (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2018) 278. In this way emotions can be seen as “socially constructed representations of meaning that are linked to conceptions of identity and power”. Ibid. Koschut uses the example of “naming and shaming” to explain further. If it is possible to cause an actor to change behaviour through the non-physical power of shame, then, he argues “it must feel the negative social implications of such power in order to be persuaded or forced into compliance”. Ibid., 279. This makes emotions an interesting point of analysis in IR. Analysing emotions through discourse is justified through taking “textual and verbal utterances” as an empirically accessible way to study emotions. Ibid.

From a practical perspective there are a variety of methodologies that can be used for emotion discourse analysis (EDA). For the purposes of this research the methods elaborated by Simon Koschut and Todd Hall are utilised. Koschut outlines three steps that can be used to empirically analyse texts using EDA. First is to develop the research questions and select the texts. He states that it is usually helpful to select texts from “dramatic” or “uprooting” points in time, perhaps from “charismatic authorities” as such texts are likely to be more “emotionally `loaded'”. Ibid., 281-282. This method of selection poses some issues concerning the representativeness of the texts and the temporality of emotions which can inevitably change over time and during crises. These issues can be addressed by establishing the boundaries of the research question, and/or by expanding the scope of the texts studied. Ibid., 282.

The second step is to map the emotion potential of texts. This is the step where the texts are analysed for emotional expressions and the emotion potential of the discourse. It is important to discover which emotions are prevalent in the text, and which apply to sense of the Self and Other. Ibid., 283. There are several ways that emotional meaning can be conveyed in a text. The most explicit is emotion terms, that is nouns, verbs, adjectives and adverbs such as anger, fear, to love, afraid, hateful, sadly. More implicit are connotations. Koschut explains how certain terms can be `loaded' with positive (i.e. peaceful, responsible member of the international community, hero) or negative (i.e. genocide, terrorist, massacre) emotional meaning. Certain words can be used to convey the duration or intensity of what is being discussed (i.e. endless, very, lightly, exceedingly, somewhat). What can also be interesting is a purposeful removal of emotion through, for instance, the use of an official term like “collateral damage”. Ibid., 284-285. Finally, he talks about the use of figurative speech. This includes literary tools such as metaphors, analogies, comparisons, allusions and references that are used to evoke certain images and emotions. Ibid., 285.

Also useful for this second step are Todd Hall's three approaches for reading emotion in discourse. He argues that discourse can be indicative of emotion, provocative of emotion or invocative of emotion. Indicative of emotion means that discourse offers “evidence of and insight into the emotional state of its author”. Todd Hall, “Three Approaches to Emotion and Affect in the Aftermath of the Zhuhai Incident”, in “The Forum: Discourse and Emotions in International Relations”, International Studies Review 19 (2017) 487. This type of emotion can be conveyed either directly or indirectly using many of the linguistic tools described above. Provocative of emotion means that the discourse is intended to “elicit emotional relations from its audience--by use of particular symbols, themes, and narratives.” Ibid. This can be done through use of significant symbols or perhaps historical references or narratives associated with strong emotions. Ibid., 490. Discourse being invocative of emotion means it is “capable of deploying emotions as socially--and even political--consequential referents”. Ibid., 487. This type of discourse seeks to “draw upon, leverage, and harness the social significance” that emotions have. Ibid., 490. This, for example, can be achieved by collectivising an emotion to a state or group of people. Ibid.

The third step outlined by Koschut is “interpreting and contextualising the emotionalization effects of texts”. This is where the emotional expressions discovered within the text is put into social and political context and gain insight as to their potential implications. A “structure of feeling” or “a set of emotions that show a regular pattern should be sought and analysed. Koscht, “Speaking from the Heart”, 292. Koschut states that one way to interpret emotionalising effects of discourse, and one that is particularly relevant to this research, is “to look for cases of emotional Othering in the social construction of identities”. Ibid., 286. Emotional Othering in discourse can be found in the way “emotional expressions refer to `the Other'” through “the construction of chains of connotations between words or pairs of concepts and their emotional meaning, which are often reproduced via polarising speech acts”. Ibid. Such speech acts normalise the Self and estrange the Other. Ibid, 287.

This method of analysis is useful in addressing the research question as it allows for an analysis of how emotion has been used in the chosen texts to create a particular image of Russia by Western sources. EDA will allow for an analysis of whether and how the Self and the Other have been constructed. From the literature review it is evident that the issue of LGBT politics in international relations, and particularly in Russia-West relations is closely tied with identity and sense of Self and Other or Us and Them, thus making it a subject where it is likely the discourse will be loaded with emotion. In fact, evidence of the use of such language by Russian figures can be seen in the analyses of Putin's Valdai address which is elaborated in the previous chapter. Furthermore, EDA is suitable for applying to certain “dramatic” events. This research focus on two major world sporting events, the 2014 Sochi Winter Olympics and the 2018 FIFA World Cup which are followed by international audiences, making it them suitable notable occasions likely to be associated with high-emotion discourse.

2.2 Headline Analysis

This research will also include an analysis of the headlines of the articles collected. This analysis will include some EDA of the headlines, as well as sentiment analysis to determine whether the headlines are positive, negative or neutral and content analysis to determine the major themes. Including an analysis of the headlines of the articles collected is useful for two reasons: one is due to the weaknesses of EDA of sample texts only, the other is the importance of headlines. Including a wider analysis of the headlines, helps counteract one of the weaknesses of EDA of sample texts (described in the previous section) by creating a more representative base of analysis. This will help to establish wider patterns of emotions in the text, and whether or not the sample texts are representative of the larger body of texts. It will also be useful in establishing the topics that were most frequently covered.

The importance of headlines has been studied for a long time. A communications specialist from the 1920s, Emig, wrote “When you stop to think how few people read beyond the headlines and how much of public opinion is made by headlines, you begin to realise the enormous influence exerted by the journalist (or editor) who sits at a desk and writes headlines”. Elmer Emig, “The connotation of newspaper headlines”, Journalism Bulletin 4 (1928) 54. In fact, he conducted a study showing that 51 percent of 375 surveyed said that headlines formed the basis of their opinion on the news. Ibid. This can be seen to still be the case today one study found that 59 percent of all links shared on social media were not clicked on, which suggests that people share them just based on the headlines. There have been a few studies to demonstrate this, and the reasons suggested for it include short attention spans and effort. Jason DeMers, “59 Percent of you will share this article without even reading it”, Forbes <https://www.forbes.com/sites/jaysondemers/2016/08/08/59-percent-of-you-will-share-this-article-without-even-reading-it/#3c06cc372a64> (8 August 2016) accessed 5 March 2019. Whatever the reason, it is clear many readers focus on headlines. This is supported by a study by Dor, which found that headlines are “relevance optimisers” that allow readers to “deduce the maximal amount of contextual effects for the minimal amount of processing effort”. Daniel Dor, “On newspaper headlines as relevance optimisers”, Journal of Pragmatics 35 (2003) 719-720. His study found that most readers do not often read an entire article, but rather scan headlines. Ibid. Some studies have found that while headlines are intended to summarise and attract the attention of readers, they are often an “inadequate or misleading substitute for full-text news reports”. Elly Ifantidou, “Newspaper headlines and relevance: Ad hoc concepts in ad hoc contexts”, Journal of Pragmatics 41 (2009) 700. However, this does not exclude the importance of headlines, especially as this research is concerned with emotion and themes, rather than accuracy.

2.3 Data Selection and Collection

The chosen media source is the UK's Daily Mail. The Daily Mail is English-language and available online for an international audience. As one of the most widely read online media sources it is likely both to reflect and shape the opinions of readership, making it interesting and significant to study. Datadial, “How the Daily Mail became the world's most read newspaper”, DailyDial <https://www.datadial.net/blog/how-the-daily-mail-became-the-worlds-most-read-newspaper/> (05/04/2013) accessed 30 April 2019; Jason Sheeler, “Is the Daily Mail the most important Newspaper in the World?” Departures <https://www.departures.com/art-culture/is-the-daily-mail-the-most-important-newspaper-in-the-world> (06/10/2015) accessed 30 April 2019; Jigsaw Research, “News Consumption in the UK: 2018”, Ofcom <https://www.ofcom.org.uk/__data/assets/pdf_file/0024/116529/news-consumption-2018.pdf> (2018) accessed 30 April 2019. The Daily Mail is considered a right biased tabloid newspaper. It is cited as being a known supporter of the UK's conservative party. Media Bias/Fact Check, “Daily Mail”, Media Bias/Fact Check <https://mediabiasfactcheck.com/daily-mail/> (09 February 2019) accessed 07 April 2019. It is noted for using emotionally loaded wording in its headings - something that will be useful for EDA. Ibid. The fact that the Daily Mail is a conservative/right-biased news source also makes it interesting. It suggests that the paper will be less supportive of queer rights, at least domestically (and in fact has been accused of homophobic content in the past). Mark Sweney, “Centre Parcs pulls Daily Mail ads after column against same-sex parents”, The Guardian <https://www.theguardian.com/media/2018/feb/16/center-parcs-pulls-daily-mail-ads-after-column-against-same-sex-parents> (16 February 2018) accessed 07 April 2019. This (potential) contrast which is likely larger than in left-leaning sources will help to clearly illustrate the argument that condemnation of Russian homophobia is being used as a discursive tool of othering.

The articles were selected using the following targeted google searches:

Russia gay site:www.dailymail.co.uk (time frame: 01/01/2008-31/12/2012)

Gay OR LGBT site:www.dailymail.co.uk (time frame: 01/01/2008-31/12/2012)

Sochi Olympics gay site:www.dailymail.co.uk (time frame: 01/08/2013-31/08/2014)

Russia FIFA world cup gay site:www.dailymail.co.uk (time frame: 01/08/2017-

Russia gay site:www.dailymail.co.uk (time frame: 01/01/2013-31/12/2018) (Articles collected in the previous two categories were discounted)

Gay OR LGBT site:www.dailymail.co.uk (time frame: 01/01/2013-31/12/2018)

All articles either focusing on the topic or mentioning the topic were collected. Only text-based information was collected, as this is the focus of the analysis. In line with the methodology outlined by Koschut, for the EDA a sample of 10 articles total were selected. Two texts each on the Olympics and the World Cup were selected based on their overall relevance to the topic - the articles sampled were ones that focused on LGBT issues at the events as opposed to simply mentioning them. Three sample articles were used in the category UK and Russia Coverage 2008-2012, and three articles were also drawn on in the category UK and Russia Coverage 2013-2018. As outlined by Koschut, these texts were selected for their emotion potential. They were also selected to be representative of the other articles in their category. For the EDA and content analysis of the headlines, all headlines were collected and in the case of the two mega-events only those that had no clear relevance to either the event or LGBT issues in the headline were discounted.

3. UK and Russia Coverage 2008-2012

The first section of analysis will look at the Daily Mail's coverage of queer issues in the years prior to the Sochi Olympics, the World Cup, and Russia's federation-wide implementation of the homo-propaganda law. It will cover articles from 01/01/2008 to 31/12/2012. This section is included to help establish the Daily Mail's portrayal of queer issues (both in Russia and the UK) outside of the Sochi Olympics and the World Cup, as well as to see if and how this portrayal has changed over time. The list of headlines can be found in Appendix One.

3.1 UK

There are 127 articles in this time frame that focus on queer issues in or relating to the UK. Looking at the headlines of these articles, 49 of them (38.6 percent) are negative towards queer people or issues, while only 20 (15.7 percent) are expressly positive. A significant topic, present in 39 of the headlines (30.7 percent), is same-sex marriage. Of the headlines on same-sex marriage 16 (41 percent) are negative towards the idea of gay marriage, as compared to 7 (17.9 percent) being overtly positive. The remaining headlines were either neutral or unclear on a stance towards queer issues. This illustrates quite a significant trend of negativity towards LGBT people in Daily Mail coverage. Even so, evidence of homonationalism can be found, and this will be explored through the sample articles.

The first sample article is “He's been beaten by Mugabe's thugs and Russian Nazis: Is Peter Tatchell the bravest man in Britain?” by Frances Hardy, published on the 25th of December 2009. Frances Hardy, “He's been beaten by Mugabe's thugs and Russian Nazis: Is Peter Tatchell the bravest man in Britain?”, The Daily Mail <https://www.dailymail.co.uk/femail/article-1238364/Hes-beaten-Mugabes-thugs-Russian-Nazis-Is-Peter-Tatchell-bravest-man-Britain.html> (25/12/2009) accessed 25 April 2019. The title refers to “Mugabe's thugs” and “Russian Nazis”. Both “thugs” and “Nazis” provoke a negative emotional reaction. Thugs are associated with violence and criminality, and Nazis are a referent to the Hitler regime, WWII and the Holocaust - all of which are very negative in collective memory. These are contrasted to Peter Tatchell (an LGBT rights activist), who is linked to Britain, and described as possibly being “the bravest man” in the country. Bravery is considered a positive quality and evokes admiration. This headline thus positions Russia and Mugabe (former president of Zimbabwe) as violent and in contrast to the admirable - and gay - UK citizen.

Throughout the article emotion terms indicating and provoking both sympathy for and admiration of Tatchell are used. He is praised for his “singular conviction”, “unwavering resolve” and his overall determination to stand up for what he believes in (gay rights) no matter what. Emphasis is placed on what he has gone through for his beliefs: the “debilitating effects” of injuries he has sustained during his work, ill-health, the fact that he is “impoverished”, and he “does not have the time” for a personal life. It is stated that even those who disagree with his beliefs can't “deny that he has suffered harshly for his convictions” and that it is “impossible not to warm to him”. All of this creates a sense of admiration towards Tatchell for the virtues he represents. This is placed in contrast to the “vicious” behaviour of “tyrannical” regimes against which Tatchell protests. Mugabe's bodyguards are described as “unprincipled”. Quotes from Tatchell also highlight that when he protests in these situations he is “nervous”, “anxious”, and feels a “debilitating sense of fear”. Coupled with the evidence of the injuries he has, including “brain damage”, this evokes a sense of danger and fear in relation to those regimes.

When discussing Tatchell's protests against Zimbabwe (the tyrannical regime), Russia (treatment of LGBT people), and a group of Jamaican reggae singers, the extremity of this treatment is emphasised with emotionally-loaded terms. These include: “vicious thrashings”, “vicious beating”, “tortured”, “raped”, “killed”, “bashed”, “beaten”, “glorify violence”, “promulgate hatred” and “advocate killing”. Such terms evoke fear as well as horror and perhaps revulsion towards the perpetrators of such behaviour. However, homophobia originating from within the UK is not described in the same way. The opening of the article mentions that Tatchell's door “warns would-be assassins” of surveillance and that the installation of cameras stopped the “arson attacks” and reduce the chance of a “vengeful killer” waiting for him. However, who these real or potential attackers are is not mentioned. The article briefly mentions the “homophobic onslaught” Tatchell faced as an openly gay Labour party candidate, but no further details are given as to the type of the abuse, and the article quickly moves on to “Jamaican hitmen”.

Moreover, the article refers to “controversy” sparked by comments made by one of the Daily Mail's own columnists over the death of a gay singer. The exact nature of the comments is not explained. Rather the focus is that Tatchell described the public's reaction to the comments as “over-the-top” considering a lack of public reaction to more serious incidents. For this, Tatchell is commended on retaining “a sense of perspective”. There is a contrast between the “relentless” and “brave” Tatchell of the UK and the “unprincipled” and “tyrannical” “thugs” and “Nazis” from other countries. But there is also a contrast between the descriptions homophobic/violent incidents that occurred, and that Tatchell faced overseas or by foreigners, which are emphasised as brutal and attributed to specific groups, and the incidents that occurred in the UK or were committed by Brits, which are (in two instances) not attributed to a specific group, not described in detail, or minimised. For standing up to foreign regimes he is “the bravest man in Britain” and for thinking controversy directed at the Daily Mail was over-the-top he is reasonable. This reinforces both Tatchell (and by association the UK) as virtuous in comparison to the “unprincipled” Other he stands against.

By looking at the second sample article, “Yes, gays have often been the victims of prejudice. But now they risk becoming the new McCarthyites” by Melanie Phillips, we can see an example of how domestic queer issues are portrayed by the Daily Mail. Melanie Phillips, “Yes, gays have often been the victims of prejudice. But now they risk becoming the new McCarthyites”, The Daily Mail <https://www.dailymail.co.uk/debate/article-1349951/Gayness-mandatory-schools-Gay-victims-prejudice-new-McCarthyites.html#comments> (24/01/2011) accessed 25 April 2019. The headline acknowledges that gay people have been “victims of prejudice”, indicating that they have suffered unfairly. However, this is contrasted with the possibility of gay people as a new form of McCarthyites. McCarthyism is a historical reference to intense fear of and opposition to Communism and attempts to restrict political criticism and dissent as pro-Communist. Used as a derogatory term as it is here, it refers to pressure to force people to follow certain popular political beliefs, thus indicating concern that gay people could pressure people to their beliefs. The article raises several issues with what is termed the “gay agenda” (a disparaging term for gay rights advocacy).

The first of these is teaching things related to homosexuality in schools (reasons behind LGBT migration in geography; LGBT population statistics in maths). That such a curriculum is to be implemented with government backing is described as “mad” and “absurd”, indicating that it should be thought of as ridiculous, evoking shock that it could happen. Then the article emphasises the seriousness of the issue stating that it is “no laughing matter” - the new curriculum might be ridiculous, but it is also dangerous. It is labelled an attempt to “brainwash children with propaganda under the camouflage of education”. The terms “brainwash” and “propaganda” both have negative connotations relating to control or attempts to control the way people think. The fact that this attempt is “under...camouflage” evokes a certain fear - the government is trying to hide this propaganda, so it is something people need to watch out for and be wary of. Implicit in this is also the idea that homosexuality is something to be afraid of and that it is dangerous for children. In fact, the mentions of homosexuals and homosexuality in the school curriculum is called an “abuse of childhood”. The word “abuse” suggests that the curriculum is cruel and harmful. “Childhood” represents carefree innocence that should be treasured and protected. Thus, this strong wording evokes an emotional response of horror and the desire to protect children from the danger of being exposed to even the mention of homosexuality.

The article frequently references the “gay rights lobby” or the “gay agenda” describing them as “ruthless”, “oppressive”, “all-powerful”, “totalitarian” and “ludicrous”. These words all conjure a negative emotional reaction and paint a picture of a “crazy” situation where gay people are trying to force others to think and act in a certain way. The “penalising” of religious people by the government who speak and act “in accordance with their beliefs” (or discriminate against LGBT people) is also criticised by the article. The term “gay inquisition” is also used, which is a historical reference to the inquisition (an institution of the Catholic Church) that was used to combat heresy using harsh methods, therefore it reinforces the negative portrayal of gay advocacy in this article, and the fear that gay people are using harsh measures to push a certain agenda. The “values which were once the moral basis for British society” are positioned as at risk, thus creating fear that all of society is in danger. Moreover, even “many gay people” are described as being “uneasy” or “appalled” by the situation, emphasising the idea that the “gay agenda” is so bad that many gay people do not support it.

By looking at other headlines it can be seen that there is a pattern of queer issues being portrayed in a more sympathetic light when the UK or British culture is being contrasted with a foreign or culturally different Other. There are three articles on the danger of Islamic extremism to British society in this category that cite threats towards the safety of LGBT people as part of the reason why people should be concerned. Queer rights are an aspect of UK society that these Islamic extremists threaten. There is also an article titled: “'To hell with you': Robert Mugabe in rambling anti-homosexual rant at David Cameron's call for global gay rights” in which Mugabe is strongly criticised for his stance on queer rights and his rejection of Western values.

There are also more articles that criticise the teaching of topics related to homosexuality in schools. These are titled: “Gay messages built into school maths lessons for children as young as FOUR”, “Schools could be made to teach pupils about gay marriage once it is passed into law”, “Anger as school tells children aged five about gay issues...to the sound of Elton John”. Kate Loveys, “Gay messages built into school maths lessons for children as young as FOUR”, The Daily Mail <https://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-1349816/School-children-taught-homosexuality-celebrate-gay-community.html> (23/01/2011) accessed 25 April 2019; James Chapman, “Schools could be made to teach pupils about gay marriage once it is passed into law”, The Daily Mail <https://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-2167472/Schools-teach-pupils-gay-marriage-passed-law.html> (02/07/2012) accessed 25 April 2019; Laura Clark, “Anger as school tells children aged five about gay issues...to the sound of Elton John”, The Daily Mail <https://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-1191097/Anger-school-tells-children-aged-gay-issues-sound-Elton-John.html> (06/06/2009) accessed 25 April 2019. The youth of the children is emphasised. One of them states that schools could be “made” to teach these topics, and the other two imply that this is not being done at the will of the parents. This indicates a similar tone to the sample article. Indeed, in the articles themselves say that these topics could “distract attention from learning”, have significant “implications”, “unintended consequences”, and leave children “confused and worried”. One quote from a Department for Education spokesperson makes sure to note that lessons on such topics would always be “appropriate”.

Overall there is a pattern where the Daily Mail condemns foreigners or other (Muslim) cultures for a lack of or rejection of queer rights in comparison to a progressive UK, while domestically queer issues are often portrayed as dangerous for children or as pushing of a way of thinking that most people (including gay people) disagree with. This othering of Muslim groups is in line with Puar's theory of homonationalism, and is also illustrated in the article about Tatchell, and the one about Mugabe. Part of the UK's national identity is being “sexually exceptional”, and thus `foreign' Others that reject this are seen as a threat, and demonised. However, when a foreign Other is not in the picture, we can rhetoric on morality and protection of children that is at times remarkably similar to Putin's discourse. This rejects the idea of the West/UK as non-homophobic vs the East/Muslim groups/Russia as homophobic binary. This pattern is illustrated in an article titled “Parents face court action for removing children from gay history lessons”. It is much more neutral than the other similar articles, stating that the covering topic was controversial, but without the concern of the other articles. When reading the article, the parents quoted have Muslim/Arab names. This indicates that even though these Muslim parents acted on the same concerns expressed by non-Muslim British commentators in other articles, their actions are not condoned, as they are still perceived as a threatening Other.

3.2 Russia

The Daily Mail only published 8 articles relating to queer issues in Russia in this time frame, one from 2009, and the rest from 2012 (when the homo-propaganda law was already being implemented in some parts of the country, including St Petersburg). One is about a lesbian couple kissing in protest, one about Pussy Riot, one about homophobia and racism amongst Zenit fans, one about figure skater Johnny Weir marrying his Russian partner, one about Lady Gaga thanking Prime Minister Medvedev for opposing homo-propaganda style laws, and three are about Madonna clashing with Russia over gay rights. This illustrates that queer issues in Russia were not particularly topical before 2012, and that the homo-propaganda law in particular is a contentious issue.

Taking a closer look at the article titled “Madonna `gay rights' battle gets under way in Russia” by Jill Reilly positioning of the West against Russia can be seen. Jill Reilly, “Madonna `gay rights' battle gets under way in Russia”, The Daily Mail <https://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-2236747/Madonna-sued-millions-Russians-offended-support-gay-rights-concert.html> (22/12/2012) accessed 27 April 2015. One of the activists who filed the suit against Madonna for speaking publicly in support of gay rights at a concert, thus breaking St Petersburg's homo-propaganda law, states that “after Madonna's concert maybe some boy becomes gay, some girl becomes lesbian, fewer children are born as a result and this big country cannot defend its borders”. This reflects the discourse of Putin and other Russian officials as discussed in the literature review and positions homosexuality as a threat to the survival of the Russian state. When discussing the case of Pussy Riot and the sentencing of two of its members to two years in prison, it is stated that “free speech…took a hit” and the punishment was seen by many in the west as “too harsh”. This signifies disagreement and difference in values between Russia and the West, reinforcing what was established in the literature review.

4. The 2014 Sochi Winter Olympics

The 2014 Sochi Winter Olympics took place in Sochi from the 7th to the 23rd of February 2014. At the time of the Sochi Winter Olympics two significant points of contention in Russia-UK relations were the Ukraine crisis and the ongoing conflict in Syria. This section of the analysis is based 49 articles. The list of headlines can be found in Appendix Two.

There were 49 articles collected from the Daily Mail, with 42 relevant headlines (the ones that made no clear reference either to the Sochi Olympics nor to LGBT issues in Russia in the actual headline are discounted from this analysis). Out of these relevant headlines 10 (23.8 percent) reference just LGBT issues, 20 (47.6 percent) just the Olympics and 12 (28.58 percent) both. The high frequency of the headlines only referencing the Olympics and not LGBT issues suggests that LGBT were frequently mentioned in articles focusing on other aspects of the event. The most frequently mentioned topic in the headlines was the homo-propaganda law (10 headlines) indicating it as an interesting topic at the time of the Sochi Olympics. Headlines for articles focusing on athletes were the next most frequent (eight headlines) which aligns with the fact that it's a sporting event. Protest and/or arrest was mentioned in four headlines, and boycott and attack in two each, illustrating that some action is being taken or suggested regarding the LGBT situation in Russia, and that the situation is a dangerous one.

From these 42 relevant headlines 102 emotion words and phrases were identified. Out of these 102 emotion terms 70 of them (68.6 percent) were negative. 14 (13.7 percent) of these negative terms were describing Russia as homophobic or anti-gay and a further 11 (10.8 percent) referred to either to violence or threats of violence, or legal action (potential or actual) against LGBT people or related activism. Moreover, a further five (“horrific”, “afraid”, “fears”, “chill of fear”, “insane”) were terms that either directly evoke or indicate emotion related to fear. This means 30 of the terms are emotion terms evoking the sense of Russia as homophobic as well as the potential for violence or persecution of LGBT people and fear. Three of the emotion phrases also reference either Hitler or the Holocaust, which is a historical reference associated with very negative emotions, as elaborated above. The predominance of these negative emotion terms, in particular those associated with fear and homophobia, are in line with the analyses of the samples and the headline topics.

For the EDA two articles were selected as a sample. The first is “Really, Mr. Putin? Even HITLER suspended Germany's anti-gay laws during the 1936 Olympics, but Russia won't do the same for next year”, by David Martosko on August 15th, 2013, approximately five months prior to the Olympics. David Martosko, “Really, Mr. Putin? Even HITLER suspended Germany's anti-gay laws during the 1936 Olympics, but Russia won't do the same for next year”, The Daily Mail <https://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-2395033/Really-Mr-Putin-HITLER-suspended-anti-gay-laws-1936-Olympics-Russia-wont-year.html> (15 August 2013) accessed 10 March 2019. In the heading alone, there are a few things to analyse. Firstly, the use of the word “really” in the opening question implies an emotion of surprise and shock attached to something that Putin has done. The use of “even” in the next sentence further emphasises that the subject matter is unexpected or shocking. The main emotional feature of the heading, however, is the comparison between Putin and Hitler. The reference to Hitler is evocative of negative emotions, mainly fear and revulsion, due to historical context. Referencing Hitler, which is fully capitalised in the title for added emphasis, brings to mind the idea of evil and evokes images of the Holocaust, widely seen as one of if not the worst tragedy in modern history. The parallel between Putin, a contemporary leader, and Hitler who was in power in the 1930s and 40s, suggests that Putin, and the homo-propaganda law, represent outdated or backwards thinking - the opposite of the progressive UK. Moreover, it is important to emphasise that Hitler was the ideological and moral enemy of the UK during WWII. This is significant as likening Putin to him positions Putin as a modern enemy of the UK and is evidence of homonationalism as gay rights are the focus of the moral divide.

...

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