Multiple identity, acculturation and psychological well-being of ingush migrants in Moscow

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Running head: MULTIPLE IDENTITY, ACCULTURATION AND PSYCHOLOGICAL WELL-BEING OF INGUSH MIGRANTS IN MOSCOW 1

National Research University - Higher School of Economics

Applied social psychology

Psychology

Multiple identity, acculturation and psychological well-being of ingush migrants in Moscow

Shalunova Ekaterina

Scientific supervisor: Lepshokova Zarina

Moscow 2018



Contents

Abstract

Introduction

1. Theoretical background

1.1 Multiple identities: previous investigations

1.2 Multiple identity and acculturation

1.3 Acculturation and psychological well-being

1.4 Acculturation of the Ingush migrants in Moscow

1.5 The current study

2. Method

3. Results

4. Discussion

Conclusion

Limitations

References

Appendix



Abstract

The purpose of this study is to investigate the relationship between multiple identities, acculturation strategies and psychological well-being of Ingush migrants in Moscow (N=201). Ingush people are typical representatives of migrants from republics of North Caucasus with a big cultural distance with the host society of Moscow. The difference in traditions, values and religion makes migrants face a lot of problems during the adaptation. The participants of the study are Ingush migrants currently living in Moscow (N=201, M = 23 years, SD = 4.77; 51% female). The questionnaire included measures of Berry's acculturation strategies; ethnic, civil, religious, vainakh and regional (caucasian) identities; sociocultural adaptation; Life satisfaction and Self-esteem. The results show, that multiple social identity of Ingush migrants consists of vainakh identity on the first place, ethnic, caucasian, religious and civil identity on the last place. Ethnic identity positively relates with Self-esteem, religious identity is positive with sociocultural adaptation; civil identity correlates with sociocultural adaptation and Life satisfaction. Ingush people prefer integration among others strategies. Integration strategy has positive relationship with civil and vainakh identities; it is also positive with Life satisfaction. Separation strategy positively relates with civil and vainakh identities. Assimilation strategy has positive relations with ethnic and civil identities.



Introduction

Multiple identity, acculturation and psychological well-being of Ingush Migrants in Moscow

Moscow, as a capital of Russian Federation, is a powerful center of attraction for migration. It is the only city which population continues to grow fast. People tend to arrive to Moscow because of its developing economy, diverse labor market, and good opportunities for earnings, career and getting education. Moscow grows not because everyone wants to live here, but everyone tends to arrive as this capital city grows fast. It is an indicator of a “healthy” developing metropolis, which expanding economy creates a huge labor market, opportunities for education and upgrowth (Zayonchkovskaya, 2009).

Even though the majority of habitants are Russians (National census, 2010) the diversity of nations increases year by year. This diversity consists not only of immigrants, but also of migrants from other regions of Russia.

According to the statistics (Zayonchkovskaya et al., 2014) Moscow's population grows because of migrant flow from Russian regions, which made up 90% of all arrived to the city in 2012. Adaptation in the dominant society makes migrants interact with people with other values, customs and beliefs, learn new language. The way of behavior they choose in a new society affects their psychological well-being (Berry 1980, 1997; Ward, 2001; Nguyen & Benet-Martinez, 2010). As acculturation is a process of two sides, it is also important how Muscovites face migrants. The results of the survey (Zayonchkovskaya et al., 2014) show that among different migrants from Central Asia and CIS (Commonwealth of independent states), more than a half of local respondents (57 %) have very negative attitude towards migrants especially from North Caucasus region. That is why the participants of the current study are migrants from Ingushetia - one of North Caucasus republics.

The Republic of Ingushetia is a federal subject of The Russian Federation, located in the North Caucasus region. According to Russian Census (2010) there are 412 529 inhabitants in the republic (with 94,1 % of Ingush people, 4,6 % of Chechens and 0.8 % of Russians), and 5439 Ingush people live in Moscow city and the region. These migrants are mostly young people, who arrive to the capital to get higher education. Many of them return back to Ingushetia after graduation, that complicates their adaptation process.

At the present time there are particularly no socio-psychological studies conducted on the sample of Ingush moved to Moscow. There is the monograph study “Ingush ethnos at the present stage: features of socio-psychological portrait” by Olga Pavlova (2012). She investigated ethnopsychological features of the Ingush ethnos. The study was conducted on the sample of Ingush people living in the republic and in Moscow and St. Petersburg (N=478). The research questions were about socio-psychological characteristics, values, role of native language and integration of Ingush people in Moscow and Saint Petersburg. The results showed that the significance of ethnic and generic affiliation increases in almost 10 times in those who live far from homeland. Most part of the respondents (80 %) mark ethnicity, Islam religion, ethnoetics and socio-generic structure of nation's society as the most important principles in their lives. That is an indicator of striving to maintain cultural norms and traditions. Even being able to adapt to any society they never forget or neglect the connection to their native land.

The situation of intergroup comparison that can occur during intercultural communication, affects self-esteem (Scheepers et.al, 2002). Those Ingush living in the capital are twice as likely to describe themselves in terms of negative self-esteem (27.5% vs.13.6% at home) and twice as rarely in terms as "a person" (from 28.8% at home to 15% in the capital) (Pavlova, 2012). This means that they suffer psychologically while living far from homeland.

The problem of the study is in the lack of evidence about how Ingush people adapt in Moscow: how they manage their identities, what acculturation strategies they prefer and what are the effects of it on their their psychological well-being.

In today's diverse and mobile world Individuals consider themselves as members of more than one group at the same time (Benet-Martнnez & Haritatos, 2005). They belong to different gender, ethnic or national groups; can be differentiated by religious beliefs or professional, social, political activities. These multiple identities vary greatly in the way they are received: inherited or achieved; their stability or flexibility, in the value they assign on the individual (Kulich et al., 2017). Social identity structure and compatibility among different identity categories are repeating topics for scientific research (Tajfel & Turner, 1986; Devos, Comby, & Deschamps, 1996). Thus the issue of the relationship between different identities and well-being is also investigated, proving significant influence on wellbeing (Walter et al., 2015; Dimitrova et al., 2012; Fuligni & Flook, 2005; Kiang, Yip, & Fuligni, 2008). Sometimes multiple identities can create distressful experiences which require an adaptation strategy to increase identity fit (e.g., Deaux and Greenwood, 2013; Turner-Zwinkels et al., 2015).

Acculturation is a concept of the process of contact between people belonging to different cultures, with mutual influence and change of all participating sides. At the psychological level, Graves (1967) defines psychological acculturation as psychological changes that take place in members of cultural groups experiencing acculturation on group-level.

Berry's Four Acculturation strategies (1974, 1997), is one of the most famous in the field and the most proven approaches. The strategies are based on two attitudinal dimensions: (1) desire to maintain the culture of heritage (2) desire to contact and engage with larger society (Berry, 1974). Depending on how these issues are crossed, the strategies are determined as: integration explained as a harmonious maintenance of native culture and engagement with others outside the own group; assimilation as a strategy of little or no desire to maintain the heritage culture but the merge with the wider society; separation is a strategy to conserve own culture without any contacts with others; marginalization is avoidance of both own and host cultures.

The research results show a link between the chosen acculturation strategy and psychological well-being. In the Berry et al. (2006) cluster study of immigrant youth, psychological well-being was higher among those who had chosen integration than in the marginalization cluster; assimilation and separation groups showed intermediate results. The results of the study of 7000 immigrants in Canada (Berry & Hou, 2016), integration group had the highest scores on life satisfaction and mental health; marginalization group had the lowest scores on both, with assimilation and separation intermediate again. General relationship between integration and adaptation was reaffirmed in the meta-analytical study by Nguyen and Benet-Martнnez (2013) across 80 studies with over 8000 participants. Integrated participants (called `bi-cultural' in their study) had higher levels of psychological well-being than the participants using other strategies.

The aim of this research is to investigate the relationship between multiple social identity, acculturation strategies and well-being of Ingush migrants in Moscow and answer the following research questions:

RQ1: What is the structure of the multiple social identity of Ingush migrants in Moscow?

RQ2: What is the relationship between identities of Ingush migrants and their acculturation strategies?

RQ3: What is the relationship between acculturation strategies, psychological well-being and sociocultural adaptation among Ingush migrants in Moscow?

RQ4: What is the relationship between social identities, psychological well-being and sociocultural adaptation among Ingush migrants in Moscow?

To answer these questions we will use the quantitative analysis of the questionnaire elaborated using different psychological scales and fulfilled by Ingush people currently living in Moscow (N=201).

The novelty of this research is in the approach of studying the structure of multiple identity, the role of social identities in the choice of acculturation strategies. Adaptation process of Ingush people in Moscow and their psychological well-being.

Theoretical contribution of the study is in the enrichment of Acculturation theory and Social identity theory with new data, showing their interrelations and associations with psychological well-being. Migrants psychological characteristics are empirically proved.

The results of the current study can be practically used in formation of national migration politics of Russian Federation on federal and regional level; in development of socio-psychological adaptation methods; ethnic tolerance trainings; psychologists leading adaptation processes for migrants



1. Theoretical background

1.1 Multiple identities: previous investigations

Sociological role theory characterizes identity as the incorporation of a social part, along with its concurrent standards and expectations. Thus identity is molded by social systems, and contains individual or subjective reality as the meaning people get during social adaptation. People alternate between their multiple social roles and have to manage their multiple identities. Specific identities may conflict (Burke, 2006) and require strategies for resolution.

There are two main approaches towards multiple identity investigation: (1) through Social identity theory (Tajfel & Turner, 1986) and related ones (e.g. the model of social identity complexity (Roccas & Brewer, 2002); the model of “social identity inclusiveness and social identity structure” (Dommelen et al., 2015); (2) through acculturation research and ethnic identity (Phinney, 1990; BenetMartнnez, Leu, Lee, & Morris, 2002). Ethnic, cultural, national, and religious identities were studied by Verkuyten and Yildiz (2007). The researchers determine different types of association with the majority group (Gong, 2007), dual identity (Hong, Benet-Martinez, Chiu, & Morris, 2003); host national identity (Martinovic & Verkuyten, 2013), intercultural and multicultural identities (Bauera, Loomisa, & Akkaria, 2013), place identity (Gui, Zheng, & Berry, 2012; Rico & Jennings, 2012); bicultural and marginal identities (Ting-Toomey et al., 2000). The concept of multiple identity is interesting to investigate for understanding of different identities interrelations, their relationship with adaptation and some psychological aspects. ingush migrant moscow vainakh

Ethnic identity is the process of maintaining positive/negative attitudes and feelings of heritage ethnic group (Erikson, 1968; Phinney & Ong, 2007). Ethnic identity plays an important role in giving meaning to one's existence, keeping psychological stability, and guarantees the accomplishment of a sense of belonging and attachment. In the origin ethnic identity refers to the affective connection to culture and perception of homeland (Stefanenko, 2006; Belik, 2009). People with common ethnic identity share the same values and traditions language. They have a sense of continuity and indivisible reference with the past, which is a significant part of individual's self-determination (De Vos, 1982). In the study by Olga Pavlova (2018) 64.5 % of Ingush respondents under 25 years and 80% of respondents older than 25 years put ethnic identity on the first place among others. The studies (Pavlova, 2012; 2013; 2018) prove that for Ingush people ethnicity plays essential role in their lives.

State-civil or national identity refers to “identification with the citizens of the country, having a solid image of this community… experiencing feelings in connection with this (pride, resentment, frustration or enthusiasm and readiness for reflection)” (Drobizheva, 2010, p. 50). It can be described as a sense of community with the citizens of your country (Semenenko, 2012). It involves a sense of belonging to, and attitudes towards, the majority group (Phinney & Devich-Navarro, 1997; Phinney et al., 2001). National identity research shows that there can be differentiated two ways of it: patriotism and nationalism (Grigoryan, 2013; Kosterman & Feshbach, 1989) or ethnic and civil national identity (Jones & Smith, 2001; Schatz, et al., 1999). By 2011 95% of respondents define themselves as citizens of the Russian Federation (Drobizheva, 2010), thus that depends on the region, for example only 25% of respondents in the North Caucasus identified themselves as Russians (Pavlova, 2018). Civil identity increases over the age, as 22% of older participants mark this identity as important in their life (Pavlova, 2018).

Religious identity can be described as a process of obtaining one's existential experience through religion (Krylov, 2012). Religion is both the environment and a tool for the identification process. It is an important dynamic part of groups' social identity, influencing different aspects of individuals' lives (Abu-Rayya, Abu-Rayya, & Khalil, 2009). Much research was conducted to study in particular Islam identity as it not only a religion, but a special social system with rules and traditions (Kudrjashova, 2012). Ingush people put their religious identity on the second place after among other identities (Pavlova, 2018).

Regional (Caucasian) identity is determined as a “the ability of the Caucasian people to realize their socio-cultural unity, their belonging to a common world and the whole Caucasus” (Shadzhe, 2011 р. 69). It is a complex of Caucasian lifestyle, customs and traditions, shared values and norms. It is circulated among residents of the North Caucasus (Gadzhiyev, 2010; Shadzhe & Kukva, 2012). Radzhabov (2010) investigated the relationship between regional (Caucasian), ethnic, civil, and religious identities on the sample of South Caucasus, but there is no quantitative research on the North Caucasus sample.

Ethnolinguistic identity is a concept of identity defined in terms of being a speaker of a certain language (Bourgeois et al., 2009) relevant to investigate among ethnic minorities with various languages. In the context of the current study we tend to define this identity as Vainakh identity. Vainakhs are people living on the territory of North Caucasus (Chechens and Ingush) speaking Nakh languages and sharing the same cultural traditions.

1.2 Multiple identity and acculturation

Acculturation is the process of cultural and psychological change that takes place as a result of contact between cultural groups and their individual members. Redfield, Linton and Herskovits (1936) define it as «those phenomena which result when groups of individuals having different cultures come into continuous first-hand contact, with subsequent changes in the original culture patterns of either or both groups». Over the last years social psychologists showed an increased interest in acculturation, which might be due both to the growing importance of understanding the associations between culture and human behavior, and to the increase in worldwide migration. (Sam and Berry, 2006)

Graves (1967) invented the concept of “psychological acculturation” referring to the fact that this phenomenon contains not only group changes (ecological, cultural, social, institutional, etc.), but also individual ones, as changes in attitude, conduct, way of life, values, identity, etc. in persons and groups that come into contact (Sabatier & Berry, 1996). Berry defines “psychological acculturation” as “the changes that an individual experiences as a result of being in contact with other cultures and as a result of participating in the process of acculturation that one's cultural or ethnic group is undergoing” (Berry, 1990, p. 460).

Social psychology has recently started the overview of acculturation through the concept of identity (Hutnik, 1991; Liebkind, 1996; Aboud, 1981; Berry, 1999a; Phinney, 2000). Tajfel theory of social identity (1982) insists on the approach that social identity is central to understand intercultural relations. Social identity is a part of Self-concept of individuals, connected with self-esteem and emotional attitude towards the group.

Camillieri's theory of identities' strategies (1997) explains that as well as acculturation strategies social identity consists of two dimensions: identity with heritage culture (ethnic identity) and identity with the majority society (national or civil identity). Identity strategies are named as integration, assimilation, separation and diffusion. Maintenance of two types of identities in order to get balance associates with integration. It can exist in two versions: pragmatic one, when people alternate identities depending on the environment; and atype benefits maximization, when individuals match the most attractive identity characteristics. Separation identity strategy is about tolerance, prevention of identity conflict. Assimilation is defined as civil identity dominance. Diffusion is relative to marginalization.

On the sample of Indians in Great Britain Hutnik (1991) describes four strategies of self-identification depending on the degree of self-categorization with minority or majority group. Acculturative are those who identify themselves with both groups. Those who concentrate on the contact with the larger society are assimilative. Dissociative individual defines herself or himself with ethnic minority group, and the marginal individual prefer neither group (Hutnik, 1986, 1991).

Phinney and her colleagues (2001) developed a model built on the basis of acculturation model of Berry (1997). In this model, bicultural or integrated identity is similar with Hutnik's acculturative identity, a separated identity to dissociative identity. Assimilated and marginalized identities have the same labels in both models (Phinney et al., 2001). These results let us conclude that acculturation strategies and identities do relate with each other.

Georgas & Papastylianou (1998) empirically prove these identity strategies on the sample of repatriated Greeks. The results showed that those who had more ethnic Greek identity tended to assimilate, “mixed” identity tended to integrate and those with indigenous identity wanted to separate.

In the study about the role of identity in the relationship between Russians and Ossetians (Galyapina, Lebedeva, 2015) conducted on the sample of three generations of both nations living in North Ossetia-Alania, the results showed that ethnic identity negatively relates to assimilation acculturation strategy, caucasian identity positively connects with integration. Ossetian ethnic identity is positive with integration in all three generations, but there is no clear relationship between own cultural identity and measured acculturation expectations. In both ethnic groups ethnic identity promotes culture maintenance and other culture identification is connected with successful adaptation in multicultural society.

The studies by Lebedeva & Tatarko (2002, 2003) proposed author's concept of relations between migrants and host society. They mark main ethnic identity charachteristics: strength and positivity. The authors provided a set of psychological strategies og intercultural relations, marking 4 categories: (1) group with positive and strong identity; (2) groups with positive, but uncertain identity; (3) those with negative and strong identity; (4) negative and uncertain ethnic identity. Ethnic groups with similar identity characteristics had similar adaptation process. Identity state determines attitudes towards intercultural interactions in multicultural society.

In general, research sustains a bidimensional model of ethnic and national identity among immigrants, but this relationship depends on immigrating groups (Hutnik, 1991; Phinney, Cantu & Kurtz,1997) and on national framework (Phinney et al., 2001).

1.3 Acculturation and well-being

“Adaptation is related to changes that individuals or groups make as a response to demands in the environment” (Berry, 1997). Searle and Ward (1990) propose two types of adaptation: psychological and sociocultural adaptation.

Psychological adaptation can be defined as a matter of mental health and of general satisfaction with life, coping with stress etc. It is usually measured through psychological well-being, life satisfaction and self-esteem.

Sociocultural adaptation, on the other hand, is a behavioral concept, a matter of successful interaction with the host society. This concept is usually studied through adaptive measures, as ability to perform everyday social activities.

Berry (1997) proposed a conceptual framework to describe the main issues of migrant adaptation. In multidimensional approach, the most influential is Berry's acculturation model (Berry, 1997) outlining acculturation strategies that individuals and groups use in their intergroup interactions. These strategies are based on two major issues: cultural maintenance (how much cultural identity and characteristics are important to be saved); and contact and participation (how much should they become included in other cultural groups, or stay essentially among themselves). They have different names, depending on which group, the dominant or non-dominant is being considered. If individuals do not want to maintain their heritage identity and seek for interactions with other cultures this is the assimilation strategy. In contrast, if individuals prefer only to maintain their original culture and wish to avoid interactions with others, it is separation strategy. The strategy when ethnic minority members strive to maintain both their original culture and seek for interactions with other groups is integration. In addition, an option when there is little possibility or interest to save heritage culture and having relations with others is marginalization strategy.

During the acculturation process, a number of behaviors, attitudes, beliefs, and values are defined. Which strategies are used depends on a variety of cultural and psychological antecedent factors and there are variable cultural and psychological adaptive consequences of these different strategies. (Berry, 2005)

There is a great amount of studies undertaken in different countries using acculturation strategies model (Alkhazraji et al., 1997; Cuellar et al., 1995; Berry & Sam, 1997; Schwartz & Zamboanga, 2008; Berry, Phinney, Sam & Vedder, 2006; Sayegh & Lasry, 1993)

For instance, a big empirical study by Berry, Phinney, Sam, and Vedder (2006) with over 5000 immigrant youth participants who have settled in 13 countries. The researchers assessed a number of concepts (including attitudes toward four acculturation types, ethnic and national identities, ethnic and national language knowledge and usage, and ethnic and national friends). Cluster analysis of all these attitudinal and behavioral data emerged four distinct acculturation profiles: integrated cluster (the largest one, determined as positive ethnic and national identity, preference for integration), ethnic cluster (preference for separation and a rejection of assimilation, a high ethnic and low national identity), national cluster (defined by a pattern of attitudes and behaviors that are the opposite to the ethnic one), diffuse cluster resembled marginalization, rejection of integration). This finding of four distinct ways of young immigrants' acculturation provides substantial evidence for the existence of four general acculturation strategies.

Integration strategy and psychological well-being

Integration strategy as an orientation to both cultures, that is biculturalism, is empirically proved to be the most attractive among minorities and the best in the outcomes (Berry, 2003, 2005; Berry & Kim, 1988; Berry & Sam, 1997; Eyou et al. 2000; Berry et al., 2006; Berry & Sabatier, 2010; Ward, Stuart, & Kus, 2011; Lуpez & Contreras, 2005; Phinney, Chavira, & Williamson, 1992; Schmitz, 1992; Torres, 2010; Wei et al., 2010).

Furthermore, studies have shown that individuals in the integrated group experience less psychological distress (Lуpez & Contreras, 2005; Vasquez, Gonzalez-Guarda, & De Santis, 2011; Wei et al., 2010), less anxiety (Lуpez & Contreras, 2005), higher levels of self-esteem (Berry, 2005), better coping efficacy (Torres & Rollock, 2007), and better psychological adjustment (Berry, 2005; Lуpez & Contreras, 2005). Bicultural individuals are likely to be the most well-adjusted because they are competent in maintaining both the dominant and heritage cultures (LaFromboise et al., 1993). They have social support networks from both cultures (Mok, Morris, Benet-Martнnez, & Karakitapoglu-Aygun, 2007), and the process of handling two cultures may translate to greater integrative complexity, intellectual flexibility, and creativity (Benet-Martнnez, Lee, & Leu, 2006; Tadmor, Tetlock, & Peng, 2009).

The literature has generally showed that integration is the most adaptive mode of acculturation and the most leading to immigrants' well-being, (Berry, 1997; Berry, Kim, Minde, & Mok, 1987; Berry&Sam, 1997). Similarly, regarding identity, positive psychological outcomes for immigrants are expected to be related to a strong identification with both their ethnic group and the larger society. LaFromboise and colleagues (1993) suggested that a bicultural identity is the most adaptive.

Bottaeva (2008) in her study on Balkar people sample that have moved to Moscow,proved that the choice of acculturation strategy defines the level of psychological well-being and those who have chosen integration showed higher levels of well-being.

Although integration is often considered as an ideal, it may be difficult to achieve for a number of reasons (Bourhis et al., 1997), and Berry (2001) himself has argued that it is only viable in a multicultural society. Therefore, according to Navas et al. (2005; 2007) the proportion of immigrants classified as integrated will be greater when “ideal” attitudinal preferences, rather than “real” self-reported behaviors.

Good outcomes are only possible if there is a convergence between host and migrant acculturation preferences that does not always happen. Greater perceived discrimination and increased psychological distress are outcomes of expectation dissimilarities (Jasinskaja-Lahti et al., 2003). Immigrants generally prefer integration, but host society members maintain the assimilation ideology (e.g. in Germany Zick et al. 2001; in Slovakia Piontkowski, Florack, Hoelker, & Obdrezбlek, 2000; in Israel in the Netherlands Van Oudenhoven et al., 1998).

The study by Berry and Feng Hou (2017) examines the acculturation, experiences of discrimination and wellbeing of a representative sample of over 3000 adult second generation of immigrants in Canada. The researchers concluded that Social and demographic factors also affect well-being, especially having low levels of education, income and employment.

Kus, Liu, & Ward (2013) investigated cultural orientations on the sample of Russians in Estonian society. Their findings indicated that those Russians who had chosen integration reported greatly lower levels of life satisfaction than those who were assimilated, separated or marginalized. The researchers explain it through the negative influence of cultural maintenance on psychological adaptation and intercultural relations. Distance and dissimilarity between cultures, including the incompatibility of two societies, not only complicates achieving integration, but also enhances acculturative stress and negatively impacts psychological and socio-cultural adaptation.

Assimilation strategy and psychological well-being

Assimilation ideology claims the equality of various groups and proves the superiority of dominant culture and identity (Fredrickson, 1999). Lalonde & Cameron (1993) and Moghaddam (1988) name assimilation an “individualistic” strategy, while integration and separation are “collectivistic”. Berry et al.(1989) claim that those migrants who have different physical features may face discrimination and have to assimilate. Prejudice and discrimination has a significant negative effect on a person's well-being (Fenton, 1989; Halpern, 1993) thus it can be concluded that forced assimilation negatively relates to well-being. Forced assimilation can lead do marginalization (Berry, 1997).

However the study by Jasinskaja-Lahti and colleagues (2011) concluded that in the beginning of acculturation process assimilation can promote socioeconomic adaptation in culturally diverse countries and has positive relationship with both Life-satisfaction and sociocultural adaptation. The study by Li, Liu, Wei & Lan (2013) also proved positive effect of assimilation on the sample of Chinese students. Female immigrants showed higher score on self-esteem, intimacy and marital satisfaction when choosing assimilation (Abu-Rayya, 2007). Assimilated individuals showed high level of life-satisfaction (Brown, 2001; Lieber, Chin, Nihira, & Mink, 2001), self-esteem (Phinney et al., 1992), low level of stress (Berry, 2003), and low level of depression (Park, 2009).

Verkuyten (2005) concluded that minority groups show more desire to endorse multiculturalism, not assimilation, while majority society members prefer the assimilation of migrants. In the relationship with identities, ethnic identity positively correlates with assimilation, while mixed identity is positive with integration (Georgas and Papastylianou, 1998).

Separation strategy and psychological well-being

Separation is chosen mostly by those who do not want to have any contact with other cultures. In comparison with integration and assimilation, separation usually negatively correlates with well-being (Abu-Rayya, 2007; Li, Liu, Wei & Lan, 2013; (Phinney et al., 1992; Brown, 2001; Lieber, Chin, Nihira, & Mink, 2001).

1.4 Acculturation of the Ingush migrants in Moscow

The Russian Federation is a multinational state with about 190 nations and ethnic groups. International organization for migration informs that Russia is on the third place in the world with about 11.6 million migrants (International Organization for Migration, 2015). According to the statistics provided by The Ministry of Internal Affairs of The Russian Federation (2017) there are about 250 thousand migrants arriving to the country every year.

Migration in the country is being widely investigated both by scientists and governmental institutes. There are different opinions about this situation. Some think that migration increases competitiveness of Russian economy by a flow of cheap, but effective employees. Others suppose that the arrival of low-skilled migrants increases the proportion of the population with low qualifications and low pay. Thanks to labor migrants (legal and illegal) Russia maintains low level of wages.

Anyway, migrants continue to arrive to the country, mostly in search of earnings. Big part of them, arrive from time to time, only to work for seasons and return back. Some migrants move with families in order to settle and provide future generations with education and “better opportunities”. Many people tend to come to big cities, especially to Moscow as the capital - center of labor market and perspectives. By March 2018 there are 685 676 migrants registered in Moscow, according to the data by The Ministry of Internal Affairs of The Russian Federation (2018).

A very important role in the adaptation of the arrivals plays the attitude of the host society. The results of the survey conducted by Russian Public Opinion Research Center (VTsIOM, 2016) show that the majority (63 %) of all questioned citizens feel the presence of a significant number of migrants in their communities. On the issue of intercultural interaction, only 37% of Russians think that the presence of migrants makes life more diverse. About a third of Russians (30%) show interest in the culture, customs and traditions of migrants' native countries, while 57% are not interested at all. This indicates a rather high level of social distance. Despite the fact that 61% of respondents do not mind their children to have close contact with migrant children, and 50% do not believe that visitors should live in reservations, the majority of citizens (78 %) insist on the restriction of migrants' flow to Russia.

The survey made by Levada Center about the attitude towards labor migrants (2017) says that 43 % of all questioned have neutral attitude towards migrants from North Caucasus while 41 % are negatively disposed. All this nonpositive treatment of migrants greatly affects their adaptation process and prevents them from successful integration.

The data provided by National Census (2010) informs that there are 4354 Ingush people living in Moscow. Olga Pavlova in her monograph study “Ingush ethnos at the present stage: features of socio-psychological portrait” (2012) conducted a huge analysis of Ingush population: their values, traditions and attitudes. The sample were Ingush people living in the republic and in Moscow and St. Petersburg (N=478, 112 respondents from Moscow and St. Petersburg). The research hypothesis are that the main system-forming sources of socio-psychological characteristics of modern Ingush society are: (1) traditions and customs, (2) Islam and moral standards of Muslim ethics, (3) ethnoethics, assigned in the moral code of the Ingush, (4) social and patrimonial organization of the Ingush society.

The study was made up using different methods: main method was embedded observation as the author travelled and lived in Ingushetia for some time, learning culture and traditions of local people. To provide the study with some systematic psychological information there were used Shwartz model of basic human values (Tatarko, Lebedeva. 2011); Phinney's model of ethnic identity (Stefanenko, 2006a); scale measuring ethnic affiliation; “Cultural-value differential” method (Soldatova, 1998), “Who am I?” method (Pochebut, 2007); author's method “Unfinished sentences” and ethnopsychological questionnaire.

The main results of this empirical study say that modern Ingush society largely relies on traditional value system. They have very high importance of belonging to their ethnic group. Far from homeland their generic affiliation increases in 10 times (from 1,5 to 10 %) civil identity increases in 3 times (from 7,6 to 22.5%).

The situation of intergroup comparison increases the need in positive self-esteem and those who live in Moscow and St. Petersburg show more negative self-esteem (27,5 %) while there are only 13,6 % unsatisfied in the republic.

Main values are respect to the elderly (60 % of the respondents in Moscow and St. Petersburg mark it as important); marriage traditions and maintenance of family ties; hospitality, friendship and neighborhood; religion; ethnic ethics as a complex of respect, national laws and norms, even appearance, honor and education, mutual aid. The most important in the Ingush life are: professional identity, family, ethnic identity, religious identity, self-esteem, friends and gender. 57,5 % of capital inhabitants are against interethnic marriages are tolerant only to those of the same Islam religion.

Ingush language knowledge is important for 90 % of republic habitants and for 97 % habitants of Moscow and St. Petersburg, while 7,6 % of the first and 22,5 % of the second mark Russian as a second language. The level of the language differs greatly, only 47,5 % of capital habitants say they are fluent (in comparison to 73,7 of republic citizens). 82,5 % of people living in the capitals wants their children to know mother tongue.

About 80 % of all respondents are allocentric people, whose group values are more important than personal. Those who live in the republic more appreciate traditional laws (adats) or religious laws, while other respondents show more respect to federal and social laws and norms. It shows the Ingush as adaptive people, who are ready to integrate into different sociocultural environments.

Even though there is a very detailed and comparative analysis we do not have concrete information neither about Ingush real adaptation and acculturation process nor about its outcomes and migrants' psychological well-being state.

1.5 The Current study

In the current study we are interested in reaching two main goals to examine the adaptation process of Ingush migrants currently living in Moscow. From the research cited before it is evident that Ingush sample has not been investigated in terms of strategy preference and this is the first goal. Secondly, we still do not know how Ingush migrants cope with multiple social identities and what outcomes they face. Especially, we are interested in the relationship between multiple identity, acculturation strategies and psychological well-being of Ingush migrants, as well as how sociocultural adaptation relates with all mentioned variables. If, as it is mentioned in Pavlova's study (2012), the Ingush are adaptive and ready to integrate into any society, do they mostly choose integration strategy or and what are the effects.

On the basis of the referred theory we examined the following Research questions:

RQ1: What is the structure of the multiple social identity of Ingush migrants in Moscow?

RQ2: What is the relationship between identities of Ingush migrants and their acculturation strategies?

RQ3: What is the relationship between acculturation strategies, psychological well-being and sociocultural adaptation among Ingush migrants in Moscow?

RQ4: What is the relationship between identities, psychological well-being and sociocultural adaptation among Ingush migrants in Moscow?



2. Method

Participants

The sample is migrants from the Republic of Ingushetia, living in Moscow at present from 1 to 360 months (30 years) (M = 7 years and 4 months, SD = 6 years and 6 months). The number of participants is 201 people (100 men, 101 women), who totally completed the questionnaire. Their age varies from 14 to 57 (M = 23, SD = 4,77). All the respondents indicated their religion as Islam (100 %).

Most of the participants have higher education (50,7%), others are people with secondary education (8%), technical or college education (1,5%), not completed higher education (36,8%), post graduate degree (3 %).

Working participants are 33,3 %, getting education are 54,2%, others are searching for job (9,5%), not searching (2%), on pension (0,5%) and on military service (0,5%).

The participants' income level varies from not having any problems living on the sum (20,4%) to being difficult to survive on the sum 2,5% with 49,3% satisfied with their income level on the average, those who struggle to survive (19,9%) and 8% of participants who find it difficult to answer.

Procedure

The study was conducted in Moscow via circulating the online version of the questionnaire using social networks. People fulfilled online versions of questionnaires at home. The language was Russian. Participants were informed that fulfilling was voluntary, and that responses were anonymous. Respondents were not compensated.

Measures

The questionnaire consists of different scales measuring acculturation; ethnic, civil, religious, vainakh and caucasian identities; socio-cultural adaptation; life satisfaction; self-esteem; sociodemographic information (age, gender, religion, education level, employment, time spent in Moscow, income level). Full scales can be found in Appendix.

Acculturation strategies. Measured by classical Berry's model using the Mutual Intercultural Relations in Plural Societies (MIRIPS) Questionnaire. Each scale includes four items: integration (`I feel that Ingush people should maintain their own cultural traditions but also adopt those of the Russians), (б = ,60 ); assimilation (`I prefer social activities that involve Russian people only'), (б = ,70 ); separation (`I prefer to have only Ingush friends'), (б = ,68 ).The answers are rated from 1 (strongly disagree) to 5 (strongly agree). Scales of acculturation strategies were translated into Russian and adapted for use in previous studies in Russia (Lebedeva & Tatarko, 2009).

Ethnic identity. This scale is measured by Russian adaptation of MIRIPS Questionnaire adopted into Russian by Lebedeva & Tatarko (2009). It was assessed by asking participants to respond to five items (5-point Likert scales), for example, `I think I am Ingush', `I am proud of being Ingush' etc. The items were averaged to form a single ethnic identity score. A higher score indicates stronger ethnic identity. (б= ,90 )

Civil (Russian Federation) identity. Assessed by asking participants to respond to six items (5-point scales), for example: `I identify with the Russians'; `I feel I am Russian' (Verkuyten & Yildiz, 2007). The items were averaged to form a single national identity score. A higher score indicates stronger national identity. (б= ,93)

Religious identity. Assessed by asking participants to respond to four items (5-point Likert scales), for example: `I feel a strong attachment to my religion'; `My religious affiliation is a very important part of how I see myself' (Verkuyten, 2007; Verkuyten & Yildiz, 2007). The items were averaged to form a single religious identity score. A higher score indicates stronger religious identity. (б= ,90)

Vainakh Identity. Developed by the authors, consists of five items, (5-point Likert scales for example, `I consider myself a part of the Vainakh world'. The items were averaged to form a single vainakh identity score. A higher score indicates stronger Vainakh identity. (б= ,96)

Regional (Caucasian) identity. Assessed by asking participants to respond to four items (5-point Likert scales), for example: ` I identify with the Caucasians'; `I feel myself as a part of the Caucasian culture' (developed by the members of International Laboratory for Socio-Cultural Research). The items were averaged to form a single regional identity score. A higher score indicates stronger regional identity. (б= ,93)

Sociocultural adaptation was included to measure the amount of difficulty an individual has experienced in various situations (e.g., making friends, getting used to local food) - 20 items from the original SCAS (Ward & Kennedy, 1999). For each item, individuals respond to a 5-point rating scale (endpoints: 1 = no difficulty, 5 = extreme difficulty) where higher scores reflect more sociocultural adaptation problems. Scale of SCAS was translated into Russian and adapted for use in previous studies in Russia (Lebedeva & Tatarko, 2009). (б= ,88)

Self-esteem scale. Four items from Rosenberg's Self-Esteem Scale (Rosenberg, 1965) for example `On the whole, I am satis-fied with myself', `I am able to do things as well as most other people'. This scale was translated into Russian and adapted for use in previous studies in Russia (Lebedeva & Tatarko, 2009) (б= ,80).

Life satisfaction scale. Four items from the Sat-isfaction with Life Scale (Diener, Emmons, Larsen, & Griffin, 1985) for example `So far I have got the important things I want in life' This scale was translated into Russian and adapted for use in previous studies in Russia (Lebedeva & Tatarko, 2009) (б= ,74).

Statistical analysis

To test factorial structure of multiple identity we performed CFA. To measure the internal consistency of all variables we counted Cronbach's alpha of each scale. For testing the specific predictions, we used path analysis with SPSS 22 statistical and AMOS (Version 22).



3. Results

Table 1 describes the means and standard deviations for the target variables. All the indicators are significant. The means shows that Integration is the most preferred strategy among the participants and assimilation is the least preferred. Ethnic, religious, civil, caucasian and vainakh identities have high indices, as well as self-esteem, life satisfaction and sociocultural adaptation.

Table 1 Means, Standard Deviations of the Target Variables

Descriptive Statistics
	Mean	Std. Deviation
Life satisfaction	3,44	,83
Self-esteem	4,11	,71
Sociocultural adaptation	3,59	,49
Vainakh identity	4,54	,89
Caucasian identity	4,34	1,01
Religious identity	4,67	,65
Civil identity	3,56	1,18
Ethnic identity	4,54	,79
Integration	4,28	,62
Separation	2,65	,85
Assimilation	1,59	,65

Note: N = 201.

The one-dimensionality of the identities was carried out using confirmatory factor analyses (CFA). Values of fitness indices: CMIN/df=1.73; CFI=0.99; RMSEA=0.6; PCLOSE=0.33. Figure 1 shows that according to factorial values the most significant in the structure of multiple social identity of Ingush migrants is vainakh identity, then comes ethnic, caucasian, religious and civil identity is on the last place.

Figure 1 The structure of multiple social identity of Ingush migrants

Table 2 explains standardized regression weights and significance levels of path model. The table describes relations between identities, self-esteem, life satisfaction and sociocultural adaptation, that are not in Figure 2.

As it can be seen, ethnic identity significantly positively correlates with self-esteem (в = 0.24, p <.01). Religious identity negatively relates to sociocultural adaptation (в = -0.20, p < .01). Civil identity is positive with sociocultural adaptation (в = 0.28, p < .001) and Life satisfaction (в = 0.17, p < .01).

Table 2 Standardized regression weights and significance levels of the path model (связи между between identities, self-esteem, life satisfaction and sociocultural adaptation

			Estimate
Self-esteem Sociocultural adaptation	<--- <---	Ethnic identity Religious identity	.24** -.20**
Sociocultural adaptation	<---	Civil identity	.28***
Life satisfaction	<---	Civil identity	.17*

As the aim of the study is to investigate the relationship between ethnic, civil, religious, vainakh and caucasian identities, integration, assimilation and separation strategies and life satisfaction, self-esteem and sociocultural adaptation Figure 2 gives a graphical presentation of the model.

Figure 2 Relationship between identities, acculturation strategies, well-being (self-esteem, life satisfaction) and sociocultural adaptation CMIN/df=1.43; CFI=0.96; RMSEA=0.5; PCLOSE=0.60.

The results show that the relationship between identities and acculturation strategies is the following: ethnic identity correlates positively with separation (в = 0.37, p < .001) and has negative relation with assimilation strategy (в = -0.48, p < .001). Civil identity is positive with integration (в = 0.36, p < .001) and assimilation (в = 0.18, p < .01) and negative with separation (в = -0.36, p < .001). Religious identity is insignificantly negative with integration (в = 0.08, n.s.) and separation (в = 0.03, n.s.). Caucasian identities does not have any significant connections, while vainakh identity is positive with integration (в = 0.37, p < .001).

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