Enver Hoxha: experience of visual-analytical identification

Conclusions .These features correlate physiognomically with Hodja's belonging to the Dinaro-Caucasian race. In nonverbal communications, Hoxha constructed the image of a nomenklatura, in which the features of the left-wing French intelligentsia were manifested, and what was reflected in the diffusion of his identity under the influence of French culture. Marker for such a repressed Francophilia and diffusion of the identity of French culture (which corresponded to the hysterical components of his character with ethno-specific aesthetics for French culture) were, in particular, the stylization of clothes, which at the very end of his political career showed signs of French fashion of the 60s and 70s., as well as Hoxha's contacts with French communities, in particular the Albanian-French friendship, including the doctors whose services Hoxha used.

Keywords: Albania, Hoxhaism, cultural and social identities, identification of identities, political leadership, ethnopolitics, despotism, characterological and physiognomic identification, identification of non-verbal communications, visual analytics, sociology of international relations, cultural and social systemology.

Юрій РОМАНЕНКО, д-р соц. наук, проф.

Київський національний університет імені Тараса Шевченка, Київ, Україна

ЕНВЕР ХОДЖА: ДОСВІД ВІЗУАЛЬНО-АНАЛІТИЧНОЇ ІДЕНТИФІКАЦІЇ

Вступ . У статті подано дескриптивно-аналітичну характеристику набору ідентичностей Е. Ходжи. Встановлено, зокрема, що для набору ідентичностей албанського деспотоїда Ходжи характерні дифузії, розщеплення та фрагментації. Дифузія, розщеплення та фрагментація помітні на всіх рівнях ідентичності Ходжи: релігійному (бекташизм як поєднання християнства й ісламу); філософському (як поєднання філософії французького Просвітництва, мусульманського догматизму, деспотизму та нігілізму); ідеологічному (як поєднання албанського націоналізму та сталінізму); морально-етичному (як поєднання декоративного ригоризму, схильності до моралізаторства в публічних комунікаціях та аморальності/аморальності в повсякденному житті); правовому (як вияв дрібного деспотичного гіперконтролю, що супроводжував мілітаризацію життя простих албанців, їхню пауперизацію, надання привілеїв номенклатурному класу, ідеологам і силовому блоку); штучному (ідентичності у сфері мистецтва - у вигляді поєднання албанського фольклору та пропагандистських наративів сталінського типу).

Методи . У процесі дослідження використано такі методи: аналітичний, історичний, статистичний, узагальнення, візуально- аналітична ідентифікація.

Результати . З'ясовано, що в соціальній ідентичності Е. Ходжа демонстрував усі ознаки дифузії та розколу, оскільки водночас був близький до "простого албанського народу", відчував до нього презирство та неприйняття. Це також позначилося на професійній ідентичності деспотоїда, яку він використовував як прикриття для політичної пропаганди й агітації на користь комуністичної партії. Ходжа за своєю соціальною та професійною ідентичністю був типовим номенклатурником, тобто людиною без професійного капіталу, яка зосередилася на ідеологічній та управлінській роботі без відповідної спеціалізації.

Часткове ототожнення тілесно-морфологічних, поведінкових, фізіономічних, невербально-комунікативних і просторово- символічних особливостей Ходжи та режиму, що походить від особистої влади деспотоїда, надає підстави для висновку про виражену дифузію, розщеплення та фрагментарність у його наборі ідентичностей. Ходжа являє собою точку перетину дифузно аномічної релігійної ідентичності бекташистського типу, що повернулася до нігілізму його філософії та світогляду, ідеології суспільства обложеної фортеці, моральної ксенофобії, потестаризму у правовій системі та цензурного "соцреалізму" в мистецтві, що зводилося до пропаганди ходжаїстських моральних учень і стереотипів.

Висновки . Деспотоїдні риси в організації характеру Ходжи походять від поєднання двох факторів: з одного боку, культурно та соціально зумовленої алекситимії, звичної для спільноти, що поперемінно була колонією кількох держав і перебувала в умовах перманентного розгрому своєї етнічної ідентичності, і засвоєння державності. З іншого боку, чинником деспотизму була участь Ходжи в комуністичному русі із характерною для останнього ідеологією ототожнення злочинності та політичної революції Морфотипічні та психоповедінкові особливості Ходжи дають змогу виділити структуру характеру, що сформована із чотирьох радикалів: орального, істеричного, параноїдального та психопатичного, що виявляється в комплексі оральних звичок і патернів вербальної поведінки (зокрема в харчовій ненаситності й ораторських здібностях); в ексгібіціоністській поведінці та наданні переваги політичним виставам замість реального спілкування з населенням (істеричний компонент).

Ключові слова : Албанія, ходжаїзм, культурні та соціальні ідентичності, ідентифікація ідентичностей, політичне лідерство, етнополітика, деспотизм, характерологічна та фізіономічна ідентифікація, ідентифікація невербальних комунікацій, візуальна аналітика, соціологія міжнародних відносин, культурна та соціальна системологія.

Background

hoja identity set

A leader of a dictatorial or despotic type, acting at the head of a particular state, is the bearer of a hierarchy of identities in the form of a subordinate set of cultural and social constructs of various groups, the intersection point of which he has to act. In this aspect, visual-analytical research does not focus on the unique, unrepeatable, individual features of dictators and despots, as well as ordinary people, but reveals the typical and repetitive in them, which dresses up in the "clothes" of the individual and exclusive.

The analytical scheme for the study of a political leader, like any other person, in visual analytics and cultural and social systemology includes six levels of identification:

1) The level of identification of cultural and social identities, which includes the identification of the hierarchy of identities as a hierarchical set of images of value consciousness and social groups that are the psycho- and body-forming "superstructure" of the personality as a microisomorph of a social group;

2) The level of identification of bodily-morphological and psycho-behavioral features recursing cultural and social identities of level 1;

3) The level of physiognomic identification (identification of the general features of the structure of the face and individual physiognomic segments);

4) The level of non-verbal communications, including the study of gestures, facial expressions, pantomimes, taxis, proximics, olfactory, gustatorics, clothing style, graphological features, and partly chronemics;

5) T he level of identification of visual symbols presented in objects of material and spiritual culture, spaces and environments, the bodily-physical environment of the object of study;

6) The level of identification of visually observable features of everyday social practices (sleep, eating behavior, work activity, sexual behavior, recreational and hygienic behavior, daily habits, etc.).

Each of us, using not very scientific language, is "stuffed" or "stuffed" with the identities of various groups and their cultural constructs. Therefore, the autobiography of any of us, the trajectories of vital mobility are initially determined by starting spaces and time, derived from conscious or unconscious (but constantly manifesting in us) identities. The Albanian leader Enver Khalil Hoxha, the leader of atheistic Albania, who is studied further, has a set of identities as a hierarchical set of internalized images of value consciousness and social groups, which are the psycho- and body-forming "superstructure" of the personality as a microisomorph of the social group. These identities and their identification make it possible to deepen the understanding of the geocultural, geopolitical, geoeconomic specifics of Albania through Khoja as the bearer of a set of specific identities.

According to the scheme of visual-analytical identification outlined in the first part of the article, a set of identities acts as a cultural and social superstructure, which largely sets bodily-morphological and behavioral features that reflect the type of character organization, its psychophysiological and patho-psychological manifestations, physiognomic features, non-verbal communications, visual symbols in objects of material culture, spaces and environments, everyday social practices.

Understanding that in order to conduct a complete visual-analytical inventory and identify all visual markers of even one leader, we would need not one or two articles (and possibly even a monographic study), the author considers it appropriate to continue the indicated analytical procedures fragmentarily.

The purpose of the article is to construct a descriptive and analytical characteristic of E. Hoxha's set of identities and a fragmentary identification of morphotypical, characterological, physiognomic, non-verbal- communicative and visual-symbolic markers of E. Hoxha's personality in the spaces and environments of Albanian society that he sets.

Methods

The following methods were used: analytical, historical, statistical, generalization, visual-analytical identification.

Results

E. Hoxha's research covers a wide range of scientific, academic, popular science and journalistic sources relating to the history of Albania, the Great Albania project, Albanian political thought, biographical materials related to E. Hoxha.

In the works of P. Bartl, B. Borozats, P. Popovski, A. Jakupi, P. Milo, S. Skendi, M. Vickers and D. Pettifer, the formation of Albanian statehood, Albanian nationalism, Albanian cultural and political expansion in the Balkans are analyzed (Поповски, 1995; Jakupi, 2004; Milo, 2001; Skendi, 1967; Vickers, Pettifer, 1997; Skendi, 1954, p. 159-199). The listed works make it possible to identify the social and cultural identities of Khoja as a representative of the Albanian ethnos. At the same time, an important addition to the contextual works that describe the religious, philosophical, ideological conditions for the formation of Hoxha are biographical articles that make it possible to identify the social, professional, and gender identities of the despotoid, including articles by oppositionists L. Lubogny and L. De Cocomagny (Ekzekutimi i tre "rebeleve" te Spacit..., 2019; Fjala e panjohur e Enver Hoxhes...; Kokomani dhe Lezho. Letra e rralle..., n. d.; Liri Lubonja..., 2008).

The country is a besieged fortress. "After the death of Ibrahim Rugova (one of the main ideologists of Kosovo's independence and his "president" in 2002-2006), many were surprised that he was buried according to the Catholic custom. And everything is simple: Ibrahim Rugova was a Bektashi. If you find out that Kosovo Albanians are actively donating to the church of St. Kuzma, don't be surprised either. They donate to him as Choban Baba, revered by them. They are Bektashi. If you find out that Kosovo Albanians talk about being baptized and name their godfather, they are Bektashi (Арш, 1992; Vickers, 1999; Vickers, & Pettifer, 2007; Vickers, & Pettifer, 1997; Стамова, 2005).

If a Kosovo Albanian told you that he took the sacrament, don't be surprised, he is not a Catholic. He's just a bektash. And the Bektashi take communion with wine, bread and ... cheese. And they have confessions. And the prayer is read over the head. About forgiveness. And they have icons. And even the lives of the saints. And they wish each other a Merry Christmas. And on Easter they can calmly turn to you "Christ is risen!". They drink brandy and make wine. They can. They are Bektashi. Christians? No. Muslims? Islamists consider them bad Muslims. They are Bektashi" ("Албанство": кто такие косовские бекташи, 2021).

Despotism and tyranny are behaviorally refracted in moral relativism, which corresponds to emotional volatility, deceit, perfidy. The Bektashist religious identity, as part of the sectarian cultural superstructure of Khoja, created a predisposition to despotism. Despotism as a form of social and state structure, unlike dictatorship, is largely dependent on the personal characteristics of the leaders. This dependence is manifested in the personalized organization of social institutions and the lack of protection of the latter in relation to the projections of the unconscious mental characteristics of the leaders. The basis for the hierarchy of identities is its integrity or splitting.

Given that the top of the hierarchy of identities in our concept is religious identity, then the integrity or splitting of the latter depends on the integrity or splitting of all identities subordinated to it. From religion as the highest form of value consciousness, the spheres of value consciousness subordinate to it are derived: philosophy, ideology, social morality and law. Accordingly, value-normative and behavioral regulators (worldview, orientation, hierarchy of values, character, social scripts and norms-patterns of behavior) are derived from religious identity.

An eclectic religious identity, which involves the combination of mutually exclusive religious systems, predisposes to the confusion of value consciousness. If this consciousness combines Christian greetings, lamaist rituals, Islamic mysticism and shamanic practices, then it will probably be difficult for such a consciousness to maintain consistency both in one or another spiritual path and in political strategy. The derivatives of the eclectic religious identity of the sphere of value consciousness, in the logic of recursion, will reproduce mixtures, overlaps, compromises, mixing and fragmentation at the mental- subjective, verbal and behavioral level of personal activity.

Chepelevskaya, exploring the features of the national identification of Albanians on the materials of Y. Lavrin's work "Albanian Sketches", states that "... during a visit to the Serbian monastery of Decany, the author (Y. Lavrin) cites evidence of religious tolerance of Catholic Albanians, who, together with Montenegrin soldiers and officers, visit Orthodox church during the service. To show the degree of tolerance for another faith among this people, the author writes:

"You often find in the same tribe, even in the same family, the Christian and Muslim religions together. Muslims respect the "prophet Isa" (Jesus), and Christians with no less respect for the prophet Mohammed. In some places they even celebrate both Christian and Muslim holidays together." But regarding the question of the attitude towards Christian shrines, Lavrin notes that "Muslim Arvanites revere them mainly out of superstition and fear. Apart from ghouls and "genies", the Albanian is not afraid of anything as much as Christian saints." (Че- пелевская, 2011, с. 81).

The social picture of the world of the Albanians and the philosophy corresponding to it are perfectly reflected in the metaphor of the besieged fortress. There is us, the small mountain people, and the outside world, consisting of imperialist predators who want to capture our fortress. Our only condition for survival and successful opposition to the predatory imperialists can be continuous preparations for war (Milo, 2001). The visual projection of the philosophy of paranoia was the Hodgist bunkers that the Albanians built in their free time to the continuous propaganda accompaniment of an imminent and imminent attack on a small mountainous country (Der Boon, Marjolein, 2019; Борозан, 1995).

The situation of any besieged fortress is such that one has to wage a continuous struggle both with external and internal enemies. The necessary vigilance, sensitivity, observation are often sharpened to the level of phantom expansions directed at the internal environment. Paranoia, as a component of the despotic philosophy of permanent war, corresponds to the ideology of ethnocentrism, which embraces individual tribal groups.

The scale of the community is narrowed in the perception of the bearer of such an ideology to members of the clan, family, village and other small communities. Accordingly, the assessment of behavior as corresponding or not corresponding to moral standards is made within the framework of such particular groups. Among Albanians, despite the pronounced differences between Ghegs and Tosks, moral particularism manifested itself (and, we can assume, manifests itself) in tribalist moral standards.

Ya. Lavrin "based on the stories of random fellow travelers and his own impressions, the author formulates a kind of code of honor for the inhabitants of northern Albania, the first rule of which "is that theft and theft outside the limits of one's "fis" are considered not a misdemeanor, but valor, as they enrich the property own tribe." The same author gives an example of moral particularism in the hospitality customs common to Serbs and Albanians. The mother of three sons who went to the festival sheltered the guest who was fleeing blood feud, fed him and gave him a lodging for the night. And when her returning sons told her about the death of her brother at the hand of her guest, the old Albanian woman did not betray her son's killer, but, sending the children away from home, let him go with the words: "You killed my son today, but I don't dare to take revenge on you in the house ... I fed you, watered you .... Now go away so that my sons do not find you here, and be damned!" (Чепелевская, 2011, с. 41-42).

The cultural and historical context of the religious eclecticism of the Albanians becomes clear against the background of their adaptation to the conquerors, who shifted numerous tax duties onto the non-Islamic population. But in relations between the Ottoman Turks and the Albanians, the most problematic moment was the ongoing war, the conduct of which recreated the image of Albania created (already during the reign of the Hodgists- Stalinists) as a besieged fortress. Such a self-perception was reflected in the architectonics of the Albanian dwelling, which combines the features of strength, primitivism, tightness, domestic inconvenience, combined with militarism and outward neglect. Lavrin offers readers the following description of a typical Albanian house:

"... Kosovo cities, in which, as the author notes, the Albanians "managed to become the dominant population ... therefore, they bear a purely Albanian imprint in everything ... Since in the good Turkish times there was a constant danger of robbery and murder, many houses turned into shaped fortresses, surrounded blank walls. Walking down the street, you often see not houses, but only high dirty fences ... Everything testifies to a harsh, wild and miserable life. In the Albanian city of Gjakovice... "every house is like a 'frowning kula (tower)' with small gun-holes instead of windows, and this gives the city an even more severe appearance". Typical Albanian dwellings are made "... of rough stone, high, three-story, tiled and surrounded by thick walls.

Each of them represents an impregnable fortress... Only the third floor has small windows (usually only with shutters without glass). In the first and second floors, instead of windows, "gunners" are flaunted, i.e. openings for guns", which gives T. Chepelevskaya the grounds to define the features of the life world of Albanians as "closedness and even hostility, features that have evolved over a long time under the influence of external circumstances".

Yes, and every Albanian village here, Lavrin admits, "is trying to isolate itself from everything around and form its own closed, completely separate world ...". He describes the same picture of a closed world, with no signs of life, after visiting the Arnaut village of Yuniki together with a detachment of the Montenegrin general Veshovich (to pacify the rebellious tribes): "We ended up ... actually not in the village, but in a chaotic pile of fifty "gunners" on all floors. There is no one on the street. It's like everything died out" (Чепелевская, 2011, с. 78-79).

Value (religious, philosophical, ideological, moral and legal) identities of E. Hoxha. The experience of "accustoming to lawlessness", as noted by numerous studies, was formed in the young Khoja primarily thanks to his uncle, the Bektashist Hysen Khoja. The uncle himself demonstrated to his nephew an example of a complete rejection of the traditions and rituals of Islam while acting as a follower of the pro-Turkish cultural structure. By not observing the Muslim fast and showing a typically enlightened disregard for other conventions of Islam, Husen Hoxha manifested himself as a consistent Albanian nationalist. In Gjirokastra, thanks to his initiative, one of the first Albanian schools was created (Поповски, 1995). The underground nature of Albanian nationalism, as one of its basic features, to a certain extent set the sharpness of the confrontation between the Hodjists and the Kombatarists, who clashed in a competitive battle to retain power.

Hoxha's atheistic religiocide, however, was fideistically oriented. The systematic destruction/eradication of religions was carried out by the Hodjists in a specific fundamentalist (Islamic-fundamentalist) manner, which speaks in favor of the point of view according to which atheism is not so much an anti-religious paradigm of value consciousness, but a modified anthropo-gnoseo-centric cult, the inquisition of which is secular by its "design" despotic power.

Atheists persecute religious fanatics with their inherent hatred and intolerance, which manifests the inconsistency of atheistic claims to moderation, rationality, modesty and overcoming extremist ambitions. Moreover: atheists are often inclined, getting on the Olympus of power, to turn themselves into false deities under the arrangement of propaganda. Such a "theophany" was written, in particular, by Khoja's party comrades Fadil Kokomani, Wangyel Lezho and Helal Koprenka in an appeal to the Central Committee of the PLA, or rather, to H. Kapo and R. Aliya (Kokomani dhe Lezho. Letra e rralle..., n. d.).

"... By fighting religion, you, the authors of the New Constitution, have rendered an excellent service to the Vatican, the Patriarchate, Islam and other religious sects, and on the other hand, you have created a new religion of the gods of Tirana. You have created a new God personally. Enver Hoxha, whom everyone fears and fears, because he became the God of family, separation and marriage, exhausting workdays for a piece of bread and - most shockingly - he is a capitalist and the main and permanent employer of this Albanian land.

By creating a cult of personality, you have surpassed the Stalinist cult itself, because you have taken away from the Albanian man even the minimum ownership of a simple individual life and connected this with the microscopic salary received from the large capital produced by this people. two million, to be enslaved day and night. Dependence on this low salary, which cannot feed a small chicken coop and no longer a family, as well as fear of capital, created a cult of God in the form of Enver Hoxha. So, young gentlemen from a long-suffering people! By legally fighting religion, you actually raised the authority of this (religion) in the world and raised among the people another religion with another god (Ekzekutimi i tre "rebeleve" te Spaeit..., 2019).

Under the influence of Uncle Husen, as well as subsequent socialization at the Korea Lyceum and the University of Montpellier, Hoxha undergoes a diffusion of ethnic identity and its fragmentation. Initially, Husen himself organizes a travesty for his nephew, putting a Turkish fez on his head, which not only symbolically, but identically introduces him to Turkish culture. However, he also gives him an example of nihilism in the use of religious symbols. From Islam, Khoja the priest receives the violent fervor of an atheist fanatic, who later will give orders to blow up mosques and Christian churches, carrying out an atheistic demoniad with the help of Islamist atheists M. Shehu, H. Kapo, K. Khazbiu.

Hoxha's social identity is assessed rather ambiguously in different sources. The official propaganda website notes, in particular, that "his (Khoja's) mother, Gjylo, was a simple Albanian woman. Enver Hoxha's father, Halil (Halil), before and during the First World War, who worked in exile, was a small-time employee, who with difficulty provided for his family, the upbringing and education of five children. According to the data set out in the work of I. Mussky, his father (Khodzhi-Yu.R.) was a well-known lawyer, he taught French at the Korchi Lyceum. Mother is a music teacher... At that time, Albania was a Turkish colony, and the Hoxha family was among those who opposed Turkish (Мусский, 2000; Энвер Ходжа: последний сталинист Европы, 2015; Искендеров, 2008; Si deshtuan perpjekjet per rrezimin e Enver Hoxhes, 2023).

In other sources, Hoxha's father appears as a carpet merchant: "The future dictator of socialist Albania was born in 1908 in the family of a respectable fabric merchant. My father constantly traveled around Europe on business..." (Бартл, 2001, с. 44). We, however, have reason to accept the second version rather than the first.

Hoxha's professional identity also underwent fragmentation, which was quite typical for the biographies of party nomenklatura and their career mobility scenarios.

M. Voslensky and P. Bourdieu pointed out the moments of importance for the communist parties of cadres deprived of capital (including professional ones) in their studies. Bourdieu, in his article "The dead grabs the living," writes about this: "The more you move away from the usual functioning of fields as fields of struggle in the direction of borderline and, undoubtedly, never achieved states, when, with the cessation of all struggle and resistance to domination, the field is getting tougher, being reduced to a "totalitarian institution" - in the understanding of Hoffmann, or - in a strict sense - to an apparatus that is able to demand everything without any conditions and concessions and which, in its extreme forms: a prison, a barracks or a concentration camp, has the means of symbolic and real destruction "old man" - the more the institution seeks to sacrifice its agents, who give.

Decapitalized individuals, whose ties with the primary social group have been destroyed or lost, not only lend themselves to marginalization and, in the event of excessive career ambitions, can be "normalized" through group pressure, but, along with high conformity, they have the resource so necessary for left radicalism class hatred. It is this resource that is needed to create neo-nobility within the framework of the feudal-socialist way of life, which is accompanied by negative narcissistic investments of such groups in relation to society: executions, torture, "purges", and so on. repression.

The fragmentation of the professional identity of the Albanian despot is also confirmed by the data concerning admission to the Korea Lyceum and the Faculty of Biology in Montpellier.

So, "Theme" publishes data that, upon entering the Korchi Lyceum, Khodja barely passed the exams and was enrolled in an institution with a "satisfactory" mark. The authors of the publication draw attention to the fact that information about Hodja's enrollment in lyceum students appeared only two days later, and then, presumably, due to the intervention of someone from the outside. However, the authors of the article give a number of other interesting facts related to this circumstance. They focus on his damaged moral reputation while working as a teacher at the Korea Lyceum, as well as on the subsequent destruction of all witnesses-colleagues who became eyewitnesses of the behind-the-scenes despot. We are talking, in particular, about Professors Farudin Angoni, Dr. Hasan Jero, Professors and Doctors Feyzi Dika and others, who received various terms of imprisonment for trying to tell at least something about Hoxha's past in the designated period (Zbulohet dokumenti i rralle..., 2019).

What reputational disadvantages are hinted at by the authors of the publications becomes clearer when studying Hoxha's family and gender identity. Among left-wing radicals, along with traditional nuclear families, common promiscuity and political homosexuality are also widespread (it would be more correct to call it political sodomy, which, however, is a terminologically controversial issue). The marriages themselves, legally fixing nuclear families, in a number of biographies of party leaders, become fictitious and cover ideological geishism in relations between husbands and wives. Wives turn into a kind of "ideological girlfriends and associates" necessary to maintain the standard image of a prosperous family man. Married to Nedjmie Hoxha, Enver Hoxha did not show significant discrepancies with the scenario described above. The zealous Stalinist Nejmie "became the leading ideologist of Albanian communism. Since 1952 she was a everything to institutions (for example, "Party" or "Church") and who make this sacrifice the easier, the less capital they have outside the institution, and consequently, freedom in relation to it and to those specific benefits and capital that it offers them. The apparatchik who owes everything to the apparatus is an apparatus that has become a man, and he can be entrusted with the highest responsibility, because, in pursuing his interests, he can do nothing without contributing eo ipso to the protection of the interests of the apparatus: like a monk, he is predisposed to to guard the institution with full conviction against the heretical deviations of those whom capital acquired outside the institution allows and incites to distance themselves from beliefs and internal hierarchy. In short, in cases most favorable for a mechanistic description of practical actions, analysis reveals a kind of unconscious mutual adjustment of positions and dispositions that constitutes the true basis for the functioning of an institution, even in that it is given the tragic appearance of an infernal machine (Бурдье. Мертвый хватает живого, б. д.). member of the Central Committee of the Communist Party, since 1948 she was a deputy of the People's Assembly. She led the country's women's organizations. Since 1966, she was the director of the Institute for Marxism-Leninism Studies under the Central Committee of the APT and the Higher Party School. Lenin. She played a big role in the formation of the ideology of Hoxhaism - the Albanian version of Stalinism. Nedzhmie "fully supported and substantiated her husband's policy, incl. political repressions, party purges, prohibition of religion and persecution of believers, foreign policy self-isolation" (Энвер Ходжа: последний сталинист Европы, 2015; Ditari i Enver Hoxhes ne '82..., 2011; 40 vite diktature mbi shqiptaret..., 2021; Enver Hoxha eshte homoseksual..., 2017).

Albanian gender culture bears the features of traditional patriarchy and patriarchal sexism. J. Lavrin, already cited earlier, states the ethno-specific Albanian severity in relation to a woman, who is perceived rather in her servile status than as a self-sufficient person. On such an attitude, the sensually oriented behavior of a man towards a woman practically does not manifest itself, but rather is blocked; moreover, love for a woman undergoes reactive depreciation. Accompanying this are both platonic-erotic and homosexual relationships between men and boys, which, according to the author, is widespread in the northern part of the tribal groups of Albania (Ghegs) (Че- пелевская, 2011, с. 77).

In view of the above, homosexuality is a culturally specific pattern of a part of Albanian society, and in the case of Hoxha, only its supposed individual manifestation. The presence of the Albanian Stalin of homosexual inclinations is confirmed by several testimonies. The authorship of one of them belongs to the translator I. Bulka, who fled Albania in early November 1987 and made several statements to the Greek and Italian press on the topic of paranoia, homosexuality and Hoxha's proclivity for murder (Zbulohet dokumenti i rralle..., 2019).

According to the translator, Hoxha's homosexual behavior was known both to his wife, Nedzhmiya, and to the immediate political environment, in which power-hierarchical relations were intertwined with his sexual preferences. Bulka explains the ongoing purges and repressions of Hoxha's associates by their opposition to sexual relations with the despot. The translator also mentions the "castings" that Hoxha arranged in his luxurious apartment in Tirana, inviting representatives of the cultural elites of Albania there. Such "castings", according to Bulka, involved probing favorites for possible political disloyalty and, at the same time, were aimed at finding lovers.

The stated judgments could both remain in the category of simple hypotheses, and find their actual confirmation in cultural policy and the Puritan standards for evaluating the products of artistic culture introduced by Khoja. An example of the bloody retribution that followed such an assessment was the story of Todi Lubona and his long- suffering family, described in a number of publications Hoxha himself made a speech on this occasion, in which he attacked the moral corruption of the organizers of the Vlora Festival, including Lubonya, accompanying his threats with moralizing rhetorical remarks and questions: "Manifestations of bourgeois and revisionist ideology have become especially evident in recent years, when the party is intensely and openly fighting for its revolu- tionization youth and all the broad masses of the people. Have you noticed, friends of youth, this phenomenon? Why did you start acting only when I spoke at the Presidium of the People's Assembly? Has the party never raised these issues before?! What do you think, comrade Ilya! That, for example, the youth of Vlora, with all.

Hoxha's particularly scrupulous attitude to questions of morality and the corrupting influence of bourgeois culture on Albanian youth was hardly accidental. However, such puritanism in cultural policy was also manifested by Stalin, who shares with Hoxha belonging to a group of latent political homosexuals, including the patronage of the latter in his environment.

In addition to I. Bulka, Hoxha's homosexuality is also mentioned by S. Kadare in the preface to Bashkim Shehu's book "Autumn of Fear", that "the dictator's homosexuality caused the death of hundreds of people, even those closest to him." One of the regime's most devoted bodyguards, L. Pechini, was accused of eavesdropping on ... "higher rumors" about Hoxha's homosexuality. This assignment led him to death without trial after many years of service (Kadare, 2019). Identification of bodily-morphological, psycho- behavioral and physiognomic features E. Hoxha. In the morphotypical features of Hoxha, transitions from a pronounced oral constitution with elements of peripheral obesity in the body structure with its subsequent schizoidization and the appearance of refinements characteristic of the schizoid body structure in the structural features of the body and face are noticeable. On the photographic materials available for study, which, judging by the context, date back to 1930-1936 (the period coincided with the completion of studies at the Korpa Lyceum and admission to the University of Montpellier at the Faculty of Natural Sciences), young Hoxha has peripheral obesity in the abdomen, which is characteristic, according to the typology A. Lowen, oral type (Lowen, 1971, р. 161-194).

In the physiognomic features in the photographs dating back to the period of the 40s, which in the biography of Hoxha coincided with the organization of the Communist Party of Albania and participation in the partisan movement, a protruding double chin, puffy lips with lush curly hair, marking the hysterical component of character, about which will be discussed further. The double chin in this case acts as an additional marker of peripheral obesity, which corresponds to the oral morphotype, along with a voluminous sagging abdomen and flattening of the chest compared to the volume of the abdominal (Kokomani dhe Lezho. Letra e rralle..., n. d.). The oral-psychopathic component of Hoxha's character makes it possible to explain several groups of his psycho-behavioral features. Firstly, public oratorical inclinations, which were manifested both in the numerous speeches and written works presented in the complete collection of works. Secondly, in oral habits, in particular - smoking.

In the photo of the periods of the 30-40s, Hodge is depicted with a cigarette, which is an optional sign of an oral character (smoking, chewing, sucking belong to the category of so-called oral-regressive actions, the prototype of which is the contact of the baby and the mother's breast and subsequent rudimentary actions, in particular - sucking fingers, pacifiers and other objects that allow the child's psyche to adapt to the experience of anxiety and move from wakefulness to a dream-like (hypnoid) state). Thirdly, the construction of a space of life privileges for the

these great traditions of heroism and exemplary wars of Albania against bourgeois and fascist Italy, applaud the production of depraved Italian love songs in Italian? This could not happen, but those who directed these works planned and rehearsed to show him such songs." (И такие были, говорят, 2019; Мирошникова, Вагман, & Букина, 2009).