Enver Hoxha: experience of visual-analytical identification

The British psychoanalyst N. McWilliams states the complexity and torment of the problem for many paranoid personalities "in the form of a combination of the ambiguity of their sexual identification, craving for samesex intimacy and related concern about homosexuality." For Albanian culture, however, homosexuality and homoerotica, due to its regional prevalence (among the North Albanian tribes of the Ghegs), was hardly and remains a subject of special concern, as, for example, for British or North American culture.

Noting the "relationship between paranoia and preoccupation with homosexuality" common among psychoanalytic clinicians, McWilliams emphasizes that "for homosexual men and women who find it difficult to understand why their sexual orientation is considered so dangerous, paranoid homophobia seems really threatening" (Мак-Вильямс, 2006, с. 125-129).

Arguing from the opposite, it is appropriate to conclude that a paranoid person, with the suppression of his homosexual inclinations, begins to manifest homophobia. For Hoxha, as a carrier of a character structure with a paranoid radical, homophobia manifested itself both in relation to the favorites of art, who did not share his homosexual sympathies, and to political associates who violated the "secret of the past".

The latter, for obvious reasons, could be violated not only by comrades-in-arms, but also bystanders, whom Hodge got rid of because of the usual paranoid feelings regarding a possible betrayal. At the same time, in relation to advanced comrades-in-arms and artists, Hoxha experienced a vague mixture of paranoid envy, jealousy and hatred, since he believed that their favoritism in Albania depends solely on him and they, just shadows of his greatness, cannot have any subjectivity.

Khoja's paranoia progressed, not least thanks to his wife Nedzhmiya Khoja, who, as a faithful "ideological friend and ally" of the despot, was, in combination, the director of the Institute for Marxism-Leninism Studies under the Central Committee of the APT and the Higher Party School. Lenin (И такие были, говорят, 2019).

One cannot fully agree with the point of view of B. Fevziu, who reveals the desire of Hoxha "always and under all circumstances striving to be in the center of what is happening", "possessing a truly iron will and obsessed with a thirst for power" to completely identify with paranoid traits. The diagnostic clarification concerns characterological features that are important for hysteria and are associated with Hoxha's desire to be in the center of attention and to push back and peripheralize competitors at any cost.

The author, however, has sufficient grounds to assert that "E. Hoxha's traits of paranoia were intensified by his wife Nedzhimie, who had a great influence on politics and held important positions both during her husband's lifetime and under Ramiz Aliya, who replaced him in 1985".

The paranoia progressed as new internal enemies emerged, increasingly inclined to oppose Hoxha's isolationist course. The subject of massacres cannot be recognized as more variable in comparison with the potestar punitive inquiry / trial in the USSR: espionage and work for several intelligence agencies of the world T. Seiko); military coup (P. Dume, H. Chako); sabotage and sabotage (A. Kelesi, K. Teodosi); right deviationism (F. Pachrami, T. Lubonya).

At the same time, foreign political threats to the Hoxha regime and Albania itself became a factor in strengthening paranoia in the character structure of the despotoid. The French ambassador in Tirana (1945-1948), noted two threats to Albanian sovereignty: from Greece, (Greek armed forces, the concentration of which along the southern Albanian border would be sufficient to signal a general uprising in Albania, the result of which could be the overthrow of the communist regime Enver Hoxha) and from Yugoslavia (the Yugoslav dictator Tito pursued a dual goal: the overthrow of Enver Hoxha from the leadership of the Albanian Communist Party and the transformation of Albania into the seventh republic of Yugoslavs) (Костенко, & Новик, 2019, с. 101-127).

Hoxha's paranoia cannot be considered simply an individual characterological radical, but rather, there are reasons to consider it as one of the manifestations of Albanian ethnocentrism, what V. Kostenko and A. Novik point out in their ethnographic study (Костенко, & Новик, 2019, с. 101-127).

Based on data from a binary logistic model built separately for Albania and Kosovo on data from the 4th wave of the European Values Survey (EVS 2008), where the dependent variable was the answer to the question: "Indicate groups of people with whom you would not like to live in the neighborhood - representatives of another race", where 0 - not marked, 1 - marked (in a list of 14 groups) state the presence in Albania of intolerance "towards neighbors who are representatives of other races," designating it as a "universal phenomenon", not predictable "neither socially - demographic characteristics (gender, age, education, employment) or religious beliefs, other than the fact that Orthodox Christians in Albania are somewhat less prone to this kind of racist position, while Catholics are more prone (both, and more - compared to Muslims)".

Physiognomically, Hoxha corresponds to the Dinaro- Caucasian (Алексидзе, б. д.; Сегеда, 2009) (according to other sources, rather the Caucasian version of the Balkan- Caucasian race ) type (Kokomani dhe Lezho. Letra e rralle..., n. d.): the face has an oval shape, with pronounced pycnia (in the period up to the 70s), black hair, brown eyes, puffy lips with a hypertrophied lower lip. The ears are characterized by an attached earlobe and a stretched-flattened shape of the upper part of the auricle. The peculiarity of the nose is the lowered tip and pronounced slits of the nostrils (Hoxha Enver, 2012).

Comparison of photo profiles of Hoxha's nose in different age periods demonstrates a tendency to increase fleshy shapelessness, which can correlate with a weakening of the direction of libido and an increase in despotic inclinations. The face itself externally changes in the direction of astenization (thinning / reduction) of the buccal segment and strengthening of dolichocephaly, which is visually expressed in the sharpening of the chin and the increase in the frontal (Ходжа Енвер). In the frontal projection, Hodja's face undergoes a specific Armenoid sharpening towards old age As a component of the paranoia and general psychopathology of the Armenian ethnos, the Albanian paranoia in the character of Khoja is marked by a set of indicative features, such as "increased self-conceit and egocentrism, distrust and suspicion, persistence in defending one's ideas and in general "all one's own", readiness to see in everyone opponent, competitor, as well as one-sidedness and low plasticity of thinking, perseverance and perseverance (in many cases developing into stubbornness), gloominess, which has already become genetic (even at weddings and feasts, Armenians sing sad minor songs), a tendency to form overvalued categories in everyday life, politics, society, the victims of which are themselves. On the one hand, these are children - naive, immature, dreamers and romantics, and on the other hand, these are idealist philosophers, prone to reflection, sophistication. Accordingly, they react very violently, straightforwardly and one-sidedly, without thinking about the consequences. Only later, when the action is completed, do they begin to look for their mistakes, mistakes and are "strong with their hindsight" ... (Сукиасян, 2007, с. 42-48].

Among the Albanians, as an Armenoid sub-ethnos, which was largely assimilated during the period of Ottoman colonization, the classical paranoia of ethno-character described above was also influenced by the forced suppression of expression, which distinguishes Muslim culture as a whole and Islam as its integral expression. This led to the appearance in the character structure of a number of alexithymic (latent psychopathic) features, manifested in particular in forced (accompanied by the emotion of humiliation and a state of humiliation) inhibition of anger and acting out this anger in action.

In Albanian culture, which was formed mainly as a peasant (agro-centric) alexithymia manifested itself against the background of a significant lack of education of a large number of Albanians. However, in Hodja, despite his external education, the silent acting out of anger in action corresponded to both alexithymia and ethnospecific gender stereotypes, in which the ideal man was presented in the form of a kind of imperturbably indestructible "rock", which he tried to portray until the end of his days. In the personal incul- turation of the despotoid, the French environment also played its distorting (in relation to affects) role, since rotation in diplomatic circles further intensified the alexithymia that accompanies the diplomatic expression of thoughts, as well as the observance of etiquette and protocol. Z. Aleksidze notes that "according to the opinion of Armenian scientists... The Albanian kingdom was formed at the beginning of the 3rd century BC. Its borders to the south extended only to the Kura River. According to Strabo, the population of Albania consisted of 26 tribes. Until the III century AD. the ethnic consolidation of the Albanian kingdom was not carried out and each tribe spoke its own language. In 462, the Albanian kingdom was abolished and a Sasanian marzpan called Albania was created in its place. It included two provinces of the former Great Armenia Utike and Artsakh on the right bank of the Kura. The accession of Utikea and Artsakh to Albania also dates back to 387, ^{when Armenia was divided between Byzantium and Iran. From that time on, these provinces adopted the name Albania, which never acquired the meaning of an ethnonym and always had only a political meaning. Gradually, the Armenian provinces on the right bank of the Kura adopted this name to such an extent that in it they themselves no longer meant right-bank Albania. Just as gradually, they, the Armenian provinces of the right bank of the Kura, formed an Albanian worldview and Albanian patriotism, although the Armenian self-consciousness was never lost. Since, from a cultural and economic point of view, these provinces were superior to the indigenous Albanians living on the right bank of the Kura, they created the so-called. New Albania, without mixing with either the Albanians or the Persians. The language of the church and state of Albania was Armenian"} (Алексидзе, б. д.)., which is confirmed by the study of Z. Aleksidze regarding the Armenian origin of Albania and Albanians 5.

There are at least two possible interpretations. Since the cheeks in physiognomic mapping correlate with the accumulative (depository) structures of the mental apparatus, and the period until 1954 in Hoxha's life was the period of the greatest instability, he had, due to the uncertainty and precariousness of his position among the rest of the Albanian communists (who would later become victims of repression) to a tacking and adaptation strategy.

As an unsettled politician, Hoxha could not allow himself open despotism until the final isolation of Albania after Stalin's death and cutting off from the "revisionist" centers of external influence (in the person of Tito's Yugoslavia and Khrushchev's USSR). Rounding physiognomically and morphotypically correlates with an increase in plasticity, variability, adaptability, "diplomacy" (in terms of suppressing manifestations of destructive aggression) in relation to the socio-political environment.

At the level of visual morphotypes, signs of bodily- organic disorders are also identified. Hoxha, in particular, had diabetes, including cardiovascular disorders (heart attacks and strokes) mentioned in various sources (Шаб- ловський, 2020).

Hoxha's diabetes, according to cardiologist Sabit Brokai, "has been known since 1948 and was therefore supervised by the leading professor Feizi Hoxha, the best endocrinologist we had, because the patient was a diabetic and Enver Hoxha was being treated for diabetes". The course of diabetes with accompanying complications passed naturally. We have to consider a patient with severe diabetes, obese, smoker, under constant stress"(40 vite diktature mbi shqiptaret).

I. Mal kina-Pykh, summarizing the etiology, psychoetiology and psychosomatics of diabetes described in the works of a number of English-speaking researchers, states that in Rudolf, for example, (1970), conflicts and non-oral needs appear in the clinical picture of diabetes, which are "satisfied with food", which and observed in Hoxha in the 80s. A number of authors attribute to Hoxha's peripheral obesity, which was accompanied by prolonged hyperinsulinemia and further damage to the heart and blood vessels.

The prerequisites for "equating food and love with each other while taking away love" with the accompanying emotional experience of the state of hunger and thus, regardless of food intake, the corresponding diabetic hunger metabolism both took place in Hoxha's cultural and social identities and in his autobiography. Quite logical for Hoxha (against the backdrop of continuous purges and repressions) were "a lifelong fear It is not surprising that when four Sigurimi directors were repressed, among others - Vaska Koletsi, Bekir Ndou, Mikhalak Zichishti, Nesti Kerenji, not counting Kochi Dzodze, who was hanged in 1948, as well as Kadri Khazbiu, Fechor and Mehmet Shehu, who were shot in 1981 and 1983., which led the despot to a constant readiness to fight or flee with the corresponding hyperglycemia without relieving psychophysical stress", on the basis of which diabetes could "develop".

In the interpretation of Malkina-Pykh, "Groen, Loos (1973) emphasize the 'feeling of insecurity and emotional abandonment' inherent in diabetic patients, and" Alexander (1950), in turn, describes, in turn, strong receptive desires for self-care and actively seeking dependency on others. As described by Reindell et al. (1976), diabetic patients show greater sensitivity to denials of these oral desires. This fits the description found in diabetics to have "ambivalent tendencies of anxiety, restlessness, fear on the one hand and a desire for peace and security on the other" (Малкина-Пых, 2005, с. 818-819).

Ahmet Kamberi, as one of the attending physicians of Enver Hoxha, in his book "Our Special Patient" talks about the diagnostic picture of the disease of the latter (Малкина- Пых, 2005, 818-819)."He (Enver Hoxha) has type 2 diabetes. The pancreas produces enough insulin. But the amount of this insulin is not used properly by body tissues, especially adipose tissue." From the doctor's point of view, this contributed to two injuries. Firstly, due to insufficient breakdown of glucose in the tissues, damage to the retina and feet occurred. Secondly, due to the presence of excess insulin in the bloodstream, the arteries of the heart, brain, kidneys and legs were damaged and coronary heart disease occurred. Both complications "are the result of long-term hyperglycemia."

Hoxha's heart attack and subsequent hemorrhage is attributed to a combination of factors: excess circulating insulin, glucose, excessive smoking, slightly elevated blood pressure, lack of physical activity, and severe work stress. To overcome diabetic complications, Kambery urged Nedjmie Hoxha to persuade comrade Enver to agree to a strict diet and a calorie intake of no more than 1200 calories, since weight loss would significantly improve the clinical picture of diabetes.

Initially, Hoxha was surprised by the proposed option and how it would work with 1200 calories, but, in the end, agreed to break the diet under the condition of a breakdown due to hunger. Further, as Cambury notes, "Enver got used to the new diet, lost weight and felt better, lighter. In a letter addressed to a girl from Pogradec in Durres, he also jokingly wrote: "You see how good diet is, so follow the example of your father. "At first I did not believe that I could endure, but I read how the poor of India live, and they gave me courage and strength" (Te varfrit ne Hindi me dhane kurajo dhe force..., 2016).

V. Shablovsky in his book "Feeding the Dictator" describes how the cook Hodja had to excel in preparing dishes with a sweetener, the use of which contributed to the achievement of the euphoric effect and good mood of Hodja. At the same time, the interviewed cook admits that Hodge's bad mood prompted him to cook "something sweet" for the despotoid, from which Hodge's dysphoria was replaced by complacent relaxation. The cook points out that just such a change could be the reason for saving someone's life, since Hodge, as is known from the first part of this article and the material submitted here, had a typical paranoid feature to "clean up" his past. At the same time, the hysterical radical in his character structure motivated him to mythologize and build a showcase reality of his own life (Шабловський, 2020).

In empirical psychology, as, indeed, in the natural sciences, there is a pattern according to which "like tends to like." Despotic personalities, whose paranoia, due to their leadership status, manifests itself at the macrosocial and state level, show a desire to communicate with their own kind despots. On the other hand, the viscosity of thinking inherent in paranoids, its rigidity, predisposes them to advance to the positions of guardians of orthodoxy and orthopraxy.

For Hoxha, Stalin was initially highly attractive, and after the crisis in relations with Khrushchev and Tito, Mao became a new idol for him. The crisis itself arose after the Khrushchev thaw and the demonstration by the Yugoslav leadership of its adherence to the course of a multi-party system and the encouragement of the opposition. The ferment that began in the ranks of the communist parties after the famous report "On the cult of personality and its consequences" at the 20th Congress of the CPSU did not cause Hoxha any reaction other than irritation and anger towards the "apostates" of the ideology and practice of Marxism-Leninism.

At the same time, Hoxha himself, accusing Khrushchov and the Titoites of revisionism, did not fully understand that he was on a revisionist position regarding the theory of scientific socialism, building socialism in a self-isolated country with a low standard of living, using despotoid management technologies and criminalizing Albanians, blowing up churches and mosques and forcibly lumpenizing the population.

Identification of non-verbal communications. In nonverbal communications (kinesis) Hodge demonstrates a pronounced "protocol", static, emblematic body movements. At public events, Hoxha prefers to stand on the podium, demonstrating a gesture of crossed palms, which semantically expresses the message "we are together" addressed to the masses. Khoja quite often resorts to a demonstrative gesture with the pioneers during various celebrations, sometimes resorting to tactile paternalistic stroking of children, then to hugs, then takes children in his arms.

In the facial expressions of the eyes (oculesik) of Hodge and the pattern of his gaze, the tenacity, intentness, rigid focus, and alertness characteristic of paranoid- psychopathic personalities are manifested. At public events, captured in photos and videos, Hoxha demonstrates the discrepancy between the pattern of gaze, on the one hand, and the facial expressions of a smile and greeting gesture, on the other hand. His smile and gestures look welcoming and benevolent, but the pattern of his gaze betrays the wary anger and ressentiment of a representative of a post-colonial society.

Resentment, however, should be considered a commonplace in the non-verbal communications of Hoxha and his regime, built on military asceticism. In the 19th century J. Lavrin described the same rapacity of the Albanians' view, phenomenologically fixing the then historically conditioned paranoia/psychopathic attitude of the Albanian ethnotype. But the stated ethno-psychic features, one way or another, are derived from ressentiment as a complex associated with repressed feelings of anger/malice, the living of which takes place in the conditions of a struggle with a many times superior enemy.

From photo and video materials, gestures, facial expressions and pantomimics, as well as features of clothing styling are identifiable.

As a Francophile, Hoxha favored French costumes, at the same time exterminating, through violence and propaganda of asceticism among ordinary Albanians, ordinary comfort items. The hysterical following of fashion was manifested in the typical travesty of headdresses.

The creators of the "Museum of Memory" were able to notice that Hoxha preferred different headdresses in different foreign political periods. So, in the period of the "early" Khrushchev (until 1956), Hodge, like Khrushchev, preferred wide-brimmed classic-style hats. When the vector of the USSR was replaced by friendship with Yugoslavia, Khoja changed into a marshal's uniform with gold cords and a cap. During the period of increasing isolation of Albania, when Hoxha had to maintain relations only with Maoist China, Hoxha, like the Chinese despot Mao, began to "prefer" to wear a cap (И такие были, говорят, 2019).

The correlation of the headgear as a piece of clothing with the structure of the highest censorship allows us to put forward the hypothesis that Hoxha's Stalinism was Stalinism mainly "for the people". Hoxha subtly mocked the Albanians, turning their everyday life into torture, but in some details he differed from his idol prototype Stalin. The differences were explained by Stalin's inculturation in the criminal milieu and Hoxha's inculturation among French intellectuals. Stalin's contempt for the people and his pathological suspicion were due in part to a primitive fear of exposure, in part to an inability to compete intellectually and doctrinally and lack of charisma.

Hoxha was distinguished by cultural ambitions and claims to cultural leadership In general, for the post-war youth of Albania, Kadare was an idol poet and a generator of a new wave in art, who was in both literary and political favor among leading writers and editors. The authority of Kadare increased significantly after Hoxha became the arbiter in the literary debate between wartime writers and the postwar generation. It is clear that the despotoid was guided by this not at all by the principles of freedom of art and creativity, but by exclusively imperious considerations. On a visible level, he allowed himself to "push aside" his party Stalinist comrades-in-arms in order to domesticate the untamed young favorites of the literary field and turn them into part of the propaganda nomenklatura. Kadare, having received a powerful patron in the person of Khoja, at the same time acquired powerful enemies among the Stalinist clique of power structures in Albania. The example of Kadare shows how Hoxha managed to form a taste for power among the younger generation of creative intelligentsia and thereby domesticate it.. He, although in the shadows, showed noticeable signs of Francophile hedonism and secularism, as well as dandyism in clothes. This did not prevent the despotoid from building torture conveyors for ordinary Albanians through Sigurimi, and at the same time flaunting French and Spanish costumes at public events.

However, despite his adherence to Stalinist orthodoxy, Hoxha showed noticeable inconsistency in the styling of clothes and behaved like a "bourgeois revisionist", preferring civilian suits over a military jacket without insignia.

The preferred colors in E. Hoxha's clothes are white, gray, black (Hoxha Enver, 2012). The style of clothing is characterized by the predominance of the official business style, in which there is a steady preference for baggy suits and hoodie-like outerwear (coats and raincoats). In summer clothes, loose (hoodie-like) items of clothing also prevail over others (Kadare, 2019). A stable micromarker of Hoxha's trousers is the top collar (Ходжа Енвер), which is noticeable in almost all photographs of the despotoid. The significance of this micromarker can hardly be explained by the absence of a cutter or a tailor in Hodja, who could carry out the corresponding shortening in length. In general, the turn-ups in pants, with all their diversity, can have both aggressive-instrumental (mobilization) and eroticexhibitionist meaning.

Hoodie-like costumes among the Stalinist and neoStalinist nomenklatura elites, including the tendency to lengthen and expand the volume of jackets, coats, and trousers, correlate with rudimentary mimicry for the clothes of the priesthood, the role of which was claimed by the nomenklatura neo-nobility. On the other hand, the use of such stylistic images may indicate demonstrative ascetic inclinations and an unconscious desire to "hide" the bodily relief behind a kind of "curtain" of sagging fabric volumes, which also marks a quasi-religious motivation to ban microerotics (various openness and nakedness in clothes).

Partial identification of visual symbols in spaces and environments

Religiocide and visualization of primitive leaderism. Hoxha consistently implemented the strategy of destroying religious symbols, not destroying, however, religion as such, but replacing Christian, Muslim, Jewish cults with primitive leaderism and "civil religion". Portraits of the leaders of the Albanian Party of Labor replaced frescoes, paintings and icons. The public landscape was "cleansed" of the presence of places of worship, both by changing the intended purpose (churches, mosques, synagogues were used as granaries, cattle sheds, etc.), and by destruction with the help of explosives and artillery.

Censorship in government agencies edited documents for the presence of extraneous characters that could even have an indirect connection with religion. In leaderism (anthropotheism) of the Stalinist type, Hoxha did not show any originality - portraits of members of the Politburo of the Albanian Party of Labor hung everywhere in public spaces.

As the creators of the "Museum of Memory" note, "due to numerous architectural changes, some mosques were saved from complete destruction, for example, the monastery of St. Vlas in the village of Vrine. Even this building, like others, "served" folk social and cultural events. Frescoes and murals disappeared from the walls of churches, they were replaced by images of the leaders of the communist regime (Muzeuimemories).

Bunker paranoia. Hoxha's paranoid nature, his despotic, genocidal and torturous tendencies were clearly projected onto the concrete bunker construction project. The ideological justification for the construction was the already well-known propaganda narrative about Albania as an impregnable fortress, which is under siege by Western countries and American imperialism, who want to take their country from the Albanians, enslave them and deprive them of state sovereignty.

As noted by M. Galati et al. (Galaty, Stocker, & Watkinson, 1999, p. 197-214), as a result of an empirical study conducted by the authors, based, among other things, on other data data (Бункеры как наследие холодной войны в Албании, 2019; Албанский Сталин, 2020), bunkers have probably become not just a well-known feature of the landscape of the communist period in Albania...one of the worst periods of the regime, but, first and foremost, indicators of the progressive paranoia of the despotoid Hoxha. In total, over a four-year period (19771981), according to Galati, Stocker and Watkinson, as well as other authors, about 400,000 concrete bunkers of various shapes and sizes were built.

H. van der Boon in his work "Bunkers as a Contested Cultural Heritage" gives somewhat different quantitative data. According to her, it is not clear how many bunkers were built in the 70s and 80s. 750.000 was the most frequently heard number throughout the fieldwork, but the information panel in Bunk'art writes that "207.000 bunkers were planned (to be built. - J. R.) throughout Albania, but 168,000 were built" (Van der Boon, Marjolein, 2019).

Paranoid wastefulness appears among the most frequently mentioned motives for the construction of bunkers, which, however, does not in the least remove the recognition of the reality of the threats themselves by the Soviet generations of Albanians, which means that the bunker paranoia corresponds both to the ethnic xenophobia of the Albanian peasants and to the character traits of the despotoid Khoja.

M. Galati et al. state that these structures correspond to the mentality of the besieged fortress and their fixing role in relation to phobic moods corresponding to the propaganda narrative of the threat of an external invasion of Albania from Titov's Yugoslavia. Contributing to the maintenance of "constant fear of foreign invasions", which led, from the point of view of researchers, to the effect of "dispersed militarization".

E. Glass, in his studies, with the serial similarity of bunkers, states their personifying similarity with individuals, families, and in the interweaving of both military and civilian goals: "bunkers personify people, and people personify bunkers. Their biographies are intertwined; from the participation of the population in their creation, to military use under communism, to later phases of reuse" (Glass, 2008, p. 44).

The author notes that Gjirokastra, Saranda, Tepelena, Delvina and Permet became the most significant bunkering areas "because of their proximity to the Greek border." One of the worker interviewers (by the name of Selaudin) replied to Glass that they really had no idea whether they would be attacked (by the Western imperialists - Y. R.) or not, but the interviewer by the name of Miri added that the worldview of people under communism in Albania "was associated with the only existing radio broadcaster, Radio Televizioni Shqiptar (RTSH), which was used by the government to spread xenophobic and anti-capitalist propaganda narratives. These paranoid attitudes of the leadership, or rather Hoxha himself, were reflected in the sheer number and density of bunkers set up throughout Albania. An interviewer named Shaban told the researcher "that after Hoxha's death, the production of bunkers at the Gjirokastra plant ceased" (Glass, 2008, p. 44).

Partial identification of visual symbols in everyday actions and social practices Lumpen-militarization of life of ordinary Albanians. The creators of the "Museum of Memory" rightly point out the hypocrisy of Hoxha's decorative asceticism, the purpose of which was to justify the lumpenization of the life of Albanians and the use of non-economic coercion in "great construction projects", including the construction of concrete bunkers. The implementation of any meaningless activity in itself acts as a condition for the destruction of the psyche, especially when it is implemented using repression. However, the destructive effect increases many times if, in addition to meaninglessness for the performer himself, this activity does not have socially beneficial results on a national scale or individual regions. With many "great construction projects", the despotoid regime of Hoxha increased the torturousness of the life of the Albanians with commodity shortages, the lack of a normal infrastructure, chronic malnutrition, and so on.

F. Shehu describes an episode of studying at the secondary school "Zhanak Kylydzha", from 1971-1974. in Fier. During one academic year, the cadets spent a month at a military training camp in a military camp near the city. During this time contact with their families was infrequent. They were only allowed to see them on Sundays. On Sundays, they felt happy because they had the opportunity to eat better in their families. At the camp, the cadets ate according to a set schedule and were not allowed to store food where they were staying. Both for themselves and their curators explained this by the fact that they "... had to be prepared for a combat situation." It is natural that they left part of the food that remained uneaten in the cupboards.

One night, they heard a loud noise, a strong knock on the door and screams of "alarm", from which everyone woke up and got dressed in 3 minutes. Three officers- mentors entered the room of the cadets to check. After pulling out all the food belonging to the cadets from the cupboards, they ordered them to dig a large hole to bury the food in. Cadets during this "ritual" were ordered to sing partisan songs. F. Shehu recalls that he "often thought about the "enemies" who took our lives. But I never knew them. Where are they? (Cultural life, 1998).

Tortures (Muzeuimemories). Lejo and Kokomani (Letra e zhdukur e Kokomanit e Lezhos per Enver Hoxhen, 2011), in their initially doomed attempt to appeal to the conscience of the Stalinists of Albania, wrote in their open letter that "Enver's empire rests on spies and torture dungeons that have already surpassed those of the Nazis." Without embarrassment in terms, the authors of the letter talk about the fact that Enver and his clique planted "terrible slavery, horrific exploitation in visible and invisible chains", that "they are intimidating the people with an external "bourgeois-revisionist danger" - in order to pump out sacks of gold from the people coins." Hard labor is explained by the fact that we are allegedly "under siege." But who is leading this siege if not the first secretary of the Central Committee of the PLA? Only Mephistopheles could create such a system, but not a communist (Kokomani dhe Lezho. Letra e rralle..., n. d.).

The authors of the resource "Museum of Memory" note that the hypocritical ban on the use of torture in "socialist" Albania was just a cynical propaganda trick. "In fact, torture was a common practice both in interrogation cells and where sentences were served. Immediately after the arrest, the detainees were subjected to torture.

In most cases, their heads were covered with a black bag, and their hands were tied behind, tightly. The guards in such hellish prisons for political prisoners as Spach and Burrell (Muzike dhe kujtime ne Spac..., 2019) tortured prisoners for no reason, for entertainment, which is generally one of the features of Stalinism as a despotic ideology, built not on the condemnation of practices, behavior or actions, but on the condemnation of the individual as a representative of the social groups. Actually, that is why the principle of individualization of legal responsibility in Albania, as well as in modern North Korea, was unclaimed. Entire families were brought to criminal responsibility on the basis of their belonging to a "class alien" group of "traitors", "apostates", "heretics".

According to the descriptions of the "Museum of Memory", the Albanian special service (political police) "Sigurimi" used a whole list of inhuman tortures in communist prisons and concentration camps, in particular:

1. Vest torture.

2. Damage to the genitals.

3. Beating with a whip.

4. Deprivation of food, water and sleep.

5. Electric shock torture.

6. Torture by hanging heavy weights around the neck.

7. Torture by hanging by the hands from the window at such a height that only the toes can touch the ground.

8. Filling the mouth with salt.

9. Sending a prisoner allegedly to be shot, firing cartridges and then hanging a prisoner

10. Lowering the head into a barrel of water.

11. Cauterization of the flesh with cigarettes or red-hot iron.

12. Pouring alcohol on hands or hair, followed by ignition.

13. Breaking bones and pinching flesh with pincers.

14. Feeding salty foods followed by water deprivation.

15. Placing a prisoner in cold water, leaving him wet in winter.

16. Gradually reduce the amount of food for slow killing.

17. Use of chemicals to poison or damage the nervous system.

18. Binding of hands and feet with handcuffs for an indefinite time.

19. Using bee apiaries to torture naked prisoners

20. Indefinite isolation, which caused bodily harm, blindness and even loss of speech to prisoners.

21. Placement in a closet and an iron coffin.

22. Immersion of prisoners in a pit with faeces (this torture was used in reclamation camps).

23. Binding in concrete columns exposed to the sun until death.

24. Torture with German handcuffs, which caused paralysis of the hands.

25. Rape of family members of prisoners in front of them.

26. Dog-baiting of those who tried to escape (this torture was practiced at the border).

27. Torture with red-hot iron on an iron bed (the prisoner lay naked on an iron bed that gradually heated up).

28. Putting a cat in women's pants and beating the animal with a stick in order to damage the genitals and other parts of the body of prisoners.

29. Inflating the anus with a pump.

30. Dental torture (breaking out and pulling out teeth without anesthesia).

31. Pouring hot oil on naked prisoners.

32. Laying hot boiled eggs under the armpits.

33. Removing nails with pliers.

34. Cracking walnuts on the victim's head.

35. Cutting the pulp with knives and pouring salt.

36. Compulsion to walk barefoot on burning coals.

37. Injection through the veins, which caused an embolism in the victim, which caused unbearable pain to stop, up to death.

38. Provocation of bullet wounds with an iron rod of a rifle (used by pursuers against fugitives wounded during an assassination attempt).

39. Covering the head with a special helmet to prevent the prisoner from committing suicide (Muzeuimemories).

Concentration camps and prisons. The number of descriptions of Khojaist concentration camps and prisons turns out to be quite significant, since, according to the data of the Museum of Memory project, there were 23 prisons in a small Albania (of which the most famous are (Gjirokastra, Tepelena, Vlora, Korca, Berat, Elbasan, Durres, Tirana, Burrel, Shkoder, Peshkopia) and 48 internment camps. In the Stalinist understanding of Hoxha, prisons were not "corrective labor" institutions, but punitive and torture institutions, intended not for legal restitution (which simply did not exist in the "socialist system of law"), but to terrorize those who were tortured and generate zombifying fear for those who remained outside the prisons.

With such an abundance of both institutions and literature on this topic, both in Albanian and in English, we will give descriptions of one of the most odious - the Tepelene concentration camp.

The Tepelene concentration camp was created in 1949-1953, when the communist regime of Albania, after breaking off relations with the USSR and Yugoslavia (Tito and Khrushchev turned out to be revisionists in Hoxha's understanding), had significant economic and political problems. Internal problems in the economy and politics were aggravated by foreign political "stressors" from Greece, where a civil war was going on, which only increased both Hoxha's personal paranoia and xenophobia, and radicalized the Hoxhaist propaganda narrative about a possible Greek attack on Albania.

The situation was also aggravated by the planned operation of the CIA and the Intelligence Service of the United States and Great Britain to overthrow the communist regimes in Eastern Europe, for which they used refugees subject to internment (including Albanian). The content of the special operation was the training of refugees for their subsequent introduction into Albanian society and the conduct of reconnaissance and sabotage work. However, only a part of potentially interned refugees succumbed to such re-recruitment. A significant part of them were simply returned forcibly to the Albanian border, which, however, did not prevent the Sigurimi from simplifying their work by placing both trustworthy and unreliable in one concentration camp

Initially, the territories of the villages of Turhan, Memaliait and Velikiot were used to organize the concentration camp, later it was moved to the vicinity of the city of Tepelena, which was explained by the convenience of the location of Tepelena, in particular, to the building of the Berat Internal Affairs Directorate, where six cabins-barracks remained from the time of the Italian occupation of Albania.

These temporary structures were adapted for internee housing, with whom the leaders of the "Balli kombetar" (Albanian nationalists), revisionists and other "apostates and heretics" in relation to the regime were mixed into one mass. Later, the contingent of prisoners was replenished with Catholic priests, intellectuals and other dissidents.

Mortality from unsanitary conditions and overcrowding (about 6,000 people per 6 barracks), as well as from falling into a nearby minefield, was a daily torture, especially for children. "Humanist" Hoxha, discussing the situation in Tepelenen (Framework Study..., 2018) at one of the plenums of the PLA, mockingly stated that "it is not good to keep children in concentration camps" and suggested that all children older than ... 3 years old (!!!) be left in a concentration camp, since younger children , according to the reasoning of the "philanthropic" Stalinist, "mothers were needed."

One of the prisoners recalls that Tepelene was the worst camp of all. There, prisoners were forced to eat vomit or feces and were lowered into latrines as punishment. In an interview with Tipping Point, a former prisoner tells how 20 children once died in Tepelene within 24 hours due to lack of hygiene. However, the worst thing was that "the camp was located in the courtyard of a military training ground, which was still full of mines from the Greco-Italian war of 1941. The mines exploded and we saw body parts flying in the air," says Mirakai. The labor camp drove many inmates to suicide. Hoping to find salvation, the prisoners ran away to be shot, or deliberately ran into the minefield. The people were very scared. "When we left for work and returned, we said goodbye and greeted each other as if every day was our last."

Food was often very scarce: "They only gave us food twice a day," says a former prisoner named Mirakay.

"Usually it was a thin porridge full of grubs." If they chose the larvae, there would be nothing to eat. The children in the camp often did not have the strength to get to the school, which went uphill and over the bridge. "Once a group of girls stopped on a bridge and decided to jump to their death. But at the last moment another girl appealed to their conscience. The girls changed their minds and continued." If the neighboring villagers didn't bring food to the prisoners at night, Mirakai believes that he and his brother would have died (Pichler, 2018).

Discussion and conclusions

The set of identities of the Albanian despotoid Hoxha is characterized by diffusions, splittings and fragmentations. Diffusion, splitting and fragmentation are noticeable at all levels of Khoja's identity: religious (Bektashism as a combination of Christianity and Islam); philosophical (as a combination of the philosophy of the French Enlightenment, Muslim dogmatism, despotism and nihilism); ideological (as a combination of Albanian nationalism and Stalinism); moral and ethical (as a combination of decorative rigorism, a tendency to moralize in public communications and immorality/immorality in everyday life); legal (as a manifestation of petty despotic hypercontrol that accompanied the militarization of the lives of ordinary Albanians, their pauperization, with privileges for the nomenklatura class, ideologists and the power bloc); artificial (identities in the field of art - in the form of a combination of Albanian folklore and propaganda narratives of the Stalinist type).

In social identity, Khoja showed all the signs of diffusion and splitting, since he was at the same time close to the "simple Albanian people", and felt contempt and rejection towards him. This also affected the professional identity of the despotoid, which he used as a front for political propaganda and agitation in favor of the Communist Party. Khodja in his social and professional identities was a typical nomenklatura, i.e. a man without professional capital, who focused on ideological and managerial work without the appropriate specialization.

Both the cultural and socio-professional identities of the despotoid were conditioned by the history of Albania as a geocultural, geopolitical, geoeconomic intersection of Christianity and Islam, eastern despotism and regional- territorial separatism, an underdeveloped subsistence economy and corruption. All of the above correlated with the identity of Albania as a post-colonial and deeply autarkic society, combining both European and Asian cultural influences. In general, the self-perception of the Albanians corresponded (and, to some extent, continues to correspond) to the image of a society-besieged fortress, competing with neighboring Slavic states for asserting its mono-religiousness and mono-ethnicity.

Hoxha's family and gender identity corresponded to the promiscuous marriage common among left-wing parties, which was concluded, as a rule, for ideological and political motives; in such marriages, the economic and sexual component faded into the background compared to the political. At the same time, in party nomenklatura marriages, a model of domestic prostitution was widespread, in which a woman was considered as part of the house servant of a party nomenklatura, performing a number of presentational and symbolic roles with him, acting as a kind of public fetish for demonstration at political events.

Partial identification of the bodily-morphological, behavioral, physiognomic, non-verbal-communicative and spatial-symbolic features of Hodja and the regime derived from the personal power of the despotoid gives reason to conclude that pronounced diffusion, splitting and fragmentation are found in his set of identities. Khoja represents a point of intersection of the diffusely anomic religious identity of the Bektashist type, which recursed into the nihilism of his philosophy and worldview, the ideology of the besieged fortress society, moral xenophobia, potestarism in the legal system and censored "social realism" in art, which was reduced to propaganda of Khojaist moral teachings. and stereotypes. Under the significant influence of French culture, more precisely, its enlightenment wing, and persistent monarchical illusions, Hoxha built a despotoid state of a closed type, all the symbols of everyday life of which were focused on combating a threatening external environment.

Hoxha's paranoia and xenophobia were not so much personal as historically conditioned by the repeated projects of absorbing Albania by neighboring states. In addition to the factor of external influence, in particular, the Ottoman Empire, then Italy and the USSR, the key circumstances for the formation of Hoxha's set of identities was his belonging to the Dinaro-Caucasian ethnic type, largely predisposed to isolationism.

Despotoid features in the organization of Hoxha's character are derived from a combination of two factors: on the one hand, the culturally and socially determined alexithymia habitual for a community that was alternately colonies for several states and was in conditions of permanent crushing of its ethnic identity and assimilation of statehood. On the other hand, a factor of despotism was Hoxha's involvement in the communist movement, with the latter's characteristic ideology of identifying crime and political revolution.

Morphotypic and psycho-behavioral features of Hoxha allow us to identify the character structure, consisting of four radicals: oral, hysterical, paranoid and psychopathic, which manifested itself in a complex of oral habits and patterns of verbal behavior (in particular, food insatiability and oratorical abilities); in exhibitionist behavior and preference for political performances of real communication with the population (hysterical component); in the projection of malice, treacherous inclinations, homophobia and shady homosexuality, pathological "cleanliness", which was expressed, among other things, in the murders of those who could ever know him in the past (paranoid component); in pronounced alexithymia and the predominance of the protective mechanism of acting out feelings in actions, including the instrumental-tortural attitude towards the population (psychopathic component). These features correlate physiognomically with Hodja's belonging to the Dinaro-Caucasian race.

In non-verbal communications, Hoxha constructed the image of a nomenklatura, in which the features of the leftwing French intelligentsia were manifested, and what was reflected in the diffusion of his identity under the influence of French culture. Marker for such a repressed Francophilia and diffusion of the identity of French culture (which corresponded to the hysterical components of his character with ethno-specific aesthetics for French culture) were, in particular, the stylization of clothes, which at the very end of his political career showed signs of French fashion of the 60s and 70s., as well as Hoxha's contacts with French communities, in particular the Albanian-French friendship, including the doctors whose services Hoxha used.

In the symbolic components of spaces and environments, Albanian society, taking into account the course of militaristic Stalinism, was accompanied by unification, poverty, militarization and ascetic torturality of life, in which there was a recursion of the oral component of Hoxha's character. It was this component that implied an emphasis on bodily torment and inconvenience created by a despotoid in relation to the population, since of all types of character organization, it is the oral one that is most "attached" to bodily needs and their deprivations. The above was expressed not only in the constant threats of confinement to a camp or prison and the use of torture, in the bunker paranoia, which was reflected in the forcible exploitation of the population under the pretext of a constant threat of a military invasion. Hoxha's religiocide reflects the signs of defectiveness in the set of his identities explored in the first part of this article. In the practice of religious cide, Hoxha managed to surpass even his idol, the criminal Stalin, from whom he differed in cultural ambitions associated with the biographical features of inculturation in the intellectual environment.