Perceptions of death in the context of biographical projects of youth of Saint Petersburg

At the same time, informant №4 considers it a matter of education, saying that thoughts about death, as something taboo and forbidden, were transmitted through the mother's line from generation to generation, and on the informant himself this "chain fell off" (Inf4, f, 21, student).

The silence of death among friends closely resonates with the taboo nature of death in their families. Thus, informant №10 talked about the difficulties of discussing death with friends, as they were "brought up in conditions that this is a taboo topic" (Inf10, f, 21, student).

Next, the category of death as a "personal topic" will be considered. It is noticeable that some informants are not ready to discuss this topic with their families. This may be due to the fact that their families in general lack communication on personal topics.

That is, actually, we did not have any soulful conversations, so the relationship, in principle, is family, close, but not such frank, as it happens with some that are really friends-friends. (Inf13, m, 21, student)

This category included the answers of informants, who noted that they do not discuss with relatives and friends the desire to die and other discussions of death in general, except for the discussion of specific cases of other people's death, which already goes beyond the "personal" topic and can be discussed with family members more freely.

There are almost no such conversations, only when there is a precedent, then we discuss it. (Inf7, m, 22, worker).

The perception of death as a transition to a "better world" was also considered. Such a perception of death has family members who are believers. It is religion that explains their attitude towards this life phenomenon as a transition to a 'better world'. For example, informant №9 noted that she often discusses death with her aunt, who speaks freely on this topic from the religious side and treats death as a 'light' phenomenon.

My aunt, she, as she in general looks at the world, may be, differently than a non-religious person, she ... well, that is, she, she shared with me already in the recent some of her past stories about very bright, well, about death as something bright, but not about death as the leaving. (Inf9, f, 22, student)

In addition, death can also be perceived as a topic for jokes. The attitude of many informants to such jokes can be defined as "cautious". Most informants talked about their normal attitude towards jokes about death, but they noted that jokes on this topic should be made with caution so as not to hurt the feelings of others, explaining that this applies to jokes on any topic.

When it does not hurt other people's feelings and when everyone is ready to laugh, you can laugh, but when it crosses the line and becomes not black humor, but resentment, then as if the line is passed, it becomes not funny. (Inf3, f, 22, student)

Only one informant perceived such jokes as "selfish" and "awful" (Inf12, f, 20, student). Such an attitude is associated with a rethinking of her own attitude towards death, as she noted, there were periods in her life when she herself was careless of her life and often made jokes about her death, but now her opinion has significantly changed.

There was also an opinion about the 'therapeutic effect of death jokes'. Some informants perceive humour as an attempt to relive some pain, to deal with it more quickly. For example, this effect was experienced by informant №11, for whom such jokes helped her to survive the stress of cancer.

I think it was some kind of reflexion, I mean, for me it was at least a reflexion at the time. To squeeze out fear through some humorous easy attitude. It was easier for me when people keep it up and laugh about it. (Inf11, f, 22, student)

The last considered perception of death will be the notion of death as "something far away". In general, analyzing the attitude of young people and their close ones to death, it is noticeable that both informants and their parents do not think seriously about their death, as they believe that they are "too young" (Inf10, f, 21, student). Probably the reason for this is the fact that it is unacceptable in families to discuss death except in cases of death of relatives and tragedies that have happened to people in the world. Only the older generation can discuss their own death because of feeling of its approaching. Such a picture becomes the norm, and people in young and middle age see no sense in discussing it, although there are often cases of unnatural death, when people simply do not live until the old age.

Some, well, grandparents quite often joke about "that's when I die...here I die soon". (Inf12, f, 20, student)

Attitude to funeral rites

This paragraph will discuss various interpretations of the informants' attitude towards funeral rites. To begin with, we will consider the informants' arguments about their non-acceptance of funeral rites.

Many informants noted that observance of funeral rites is a "relic of the past" (“пережиток прошлого”), they no longer see the meaning of them (Inf1, f, 21, student; Inf12, f, 20, student). In general, it can be noted that this category included the opinion of informants who do not profess any religion, and that is why such funeral rites do not make the same sense for them as for their more religious relatives.

The following reason, raised by the informants, suggests that funeral rites are difficult to perform. When talking to informant №10, it was noted that she is not "dedicated in cemetery culture", she does not see the sense in this way of treating the body, as it brings with it many difficulties. Thus, the fact that the young generation has a practical view of the funeral process in general is evident. Thus, many people choose cremation because this method is cheaper, and after death there is no need to waste energy and time to take care of the grave, as in the option of burial in a cemetery.

Last, let us consider the thesis that funeral rites are more necessary for the mourners than for the dead. This position can be discovered from three sides: the organization of funerals for close people by the family, the organization of the funeral of the informant, the organization of funerals for close people by the informant.

Thus, as for the funerals organized by members of the informant's family, it can be noted that for young people the funeral process in the traditional form is a "carnival around the deceased" (Inf10, f, 21, student). This thesis is also confirmed in the words of another informant:

It is this culture as it is, at least in my family, when people come to the cemetery all together, bring food, sit and drink, it is not close to me at all, because, in fact, the person on whose grave people sit is very rarely remembered. (Inf12, f, 20, student)

As for the funerals of the informants themselves, the informants often noted that it did not matter to them whether the funeral rites would be observed after their own death. In addition, some noted that funeral rites are respected by all countries, but they are closer to those countries where death does not bring grief to loved ones, funerals are fun and festive. In general, it can be said that the informants, whose opinion was placed in this category, are more guided by the feelings of their loved ones, rather than their own will, and do not want their loved ones to suffer.

Here are the Mexican ones that I started to say that there is a holiday for the dead, and for all the dead, that is, for them it is more of a holiday. Not only in Mexico, there are African countries too, it happens that people are buried with dancing, gladly, for them it is a holiday. That's cool, by the way. I think it's a good way to brighten up death, and it's not a bad option. (Inf8, m, 20, student)

As for the organization of funerals for loved ones, absolutely all the informants were unanimous in the opinion that the funeral will be organized as the deceased himself wanted. In this case, their own views on religion, funeral rites and other aspects of death play no role.

...I guess I'll observe that, yes, out of respect for what these people wanted to happen to them. (Inf10, f, 21, student)

In the course of work on this paragraph, the following types of youth perceptions of death have been identified: "death as an end", "death as an image", "death as the natural course of life", "death through a funeral process", "death as a phenomenon causing fear", "death as a taboo subject", "death as a personal subject", "death as a transition to a 'better world'", 'death as a joke subject', 'death as something `far away'". Let us look at some of them. Thus, the notion of "death as an end" was often given to unbelieving informants, who believed that after death there was no afterlife. The reverse is observed in the analysis of the notion of 'death as a transition to a "better world", which religious informants most often had. The notion of "death as an image" has informants who have no anxiety about death. The informants are also calm in relation to death and consider death as a natural course of life. The informants' view of death as a phenomenon causing fear is opposed to these perceptions. At the same time the fear of informants could be not only before their own death, but also before the death of their relatives. Some informants with experience of participation in funeral processes perceive death through them. Many informants noted the taboo topic of death by members of their families, friends, as well as their own discomfort in discussing this topic, which can be explained by the general silence on this topic in families and society. In addition, for some informants, the subject of death is included in the category of "personal topics" which they are not ready to discuss also with members of their family, which may also indicate the taboo nature of the subject. It may also be noted that, for many informants, death seems to be a stage of life that will not come soon, which may explain the lack of their own reflection on this topic and the discussion of their own vision of death with their loved ones.

As for funeral rites, the informants, speaking against their observance, argued their opinion as follows: funeral rites are a relic of the past, it is difficult, it is for the mourners, not the dead. Much of this opinion is due to the lower religiousness of the informants compared to their older loved ones, and therefore less awareness of the meaning of these rites, as well as a more practical view of the organization of the funeral process in general.

2.1.3 Death in the context of a biographical project

In this paragraph we will consider how informants embed death in their biographical projects. Firstly, it should be noted that in the context of the biographical project many informants have changed their attitude towards death over time:

...when you're a child, you're not very aware of death at all, because it's all far from you. When you're a teenager, too. And when you're over 20, you already understand that all of you are already in adult life and death can catch up with anyone, you are provided to yourself, you are not protected in any way, you do not understand how dangerous it is to live in the world that you can die absolutely from different things that you grow up and your relatives are already getting older. (Inf1, f, 21, student)

The analysis of empirical data showed that the informants, when they were children, either did not collide at all and did not "realize" death, did not attach importance to it, or perceived it from the position of total rejection and universal injustice.

I had one such event somewhere in 5th grade, probably. I was watching a TV program about animals, they filmed the life of a group of primates in the jungle, well, the relationship between them, and there's one, well, they even gave their names, they were there for a long time, there were several episodes. And in the end, a little monkey died there and I felt sorry for her, and at that moment, well, I had a feeling of universal injustice, here. (Inf14, m, 23, student)

Then the attitude to death could be changed, rationalized, and the fear of death normalized, through such explanatory schemes as: it "will be with all", it is "inevitable", it is "one of the stages of life" (Inf7, m, 22, worker; Inf10, f, 21, student; Inf2, f, 22, student).

The fear of death, according to young people, was normalized, firstly, through encounters with death. Most of the informants noted the death of older relatives, mainly grandfathers, whose death was predictable due to illness and age. Perhaps it was the readiness for these deaths that made it possible to survive them without big emotional shocks.

Well, he [grandfather]was very much at his age, and as if everyone was waiting for it, and it was no special surprise for anyone, it happened, here. (Inf4, f, 21, student)

I think I have become much calmer about it, because you have to understand that if a person leaves, your life does not end there, that you have to continue living, to accept. (Inf2, f, 22, student)

Second, by studying the topic. It happened, for example, through religious education and through the study of the world.

And so, in general, I probably connect it more with age and with the fact that I learn more about the world, how it is organized, as if about society, about physical phenomena, about the cosmos and so on and maybe this knowledge gives me some calmness. (Inf14, m, 23, student)

It has to do with the fact that I somehow grew up, I started to think more, I started to read more, to communicate more with people, to share my experiences, and it also has to do with the fact that I, for example, had experience, well, it's not religious education, but religious enlightement. So I started to look at the world in a slightly different way and some new ways of exodus appeared before me. (Inf9, f, 22, student)

Thirdly, by finding a new circle of communication. This was done by acquiring new acquaintances who have different views on life and death.

Naturally, I was afraid there, let's say, death, for me it was somehow "Oh My God, it's really some evil". And now, let's say, let's say, even starting from studying at university, there are a lot of versatile people there, you sink into the youth environment, and somehow you start thinking more critically. Naturally, the adult mind has already begun to form, as it seems to me, and the attitude, well, absolutely, well, yes, yes, death happens. (Inf15, f, 22, student)

Nevertheless, the fear of death becomes contextual: it can be actualized: 1) in case of fear for loved ones, 2) in dangerous situations, 3) at the general level of anxiety, and then leave again.

Several informants noted the presence of permanent fear. Thus, the fear of death of informant №12 depends, among other things, on the time of day. She noted that people's fear is the fear of death, so he accompanies her permanently.

That is, at night the fear of death increases, especially if I walk down the street alone and hear the calls of some men, here, or something like that. So the fear of death, it changes depending on the context. (Inf12, f, 20, student)

As for their own vision of the ideal death, all informants expressed a similar opinion: there should be death in old age, but when a man is still able to lead a life without someone else's help, death without torment, "in a dream". In case of prolonged illness in old age they would prefer euthanasia, in order not to experience pain and not to cause inconvenience to relatives.

The informants expressed their opinion on the method of burial as follows: those who would like to be buried in a traditional way, by which they understood burial in a cemetery, were motivated by the following reasons:

1. The desire to leave a physical place to remember

Thus, for example, informant №3 noted that she wanted to "leave something behind", that is, to leave a place in the cemetery with a monument after death, so that the loved ones had a place to visit.

Of course, the memory can be fixed in another format, but I, for example, am glad that as if we buried Dad and he has a monument, there is a place where I can come and as if. I mean, he's dead, but there's still a place where he's physically, and I can go there. (Inf3, f, 22, student)

2. The desire to be close to dead relatives

Informant №5 says he wants to be buried next to his relatives in the cemetery. In this case, the informant's close relationship with his close relatives is visible.

Based on the fact that many of our relatives were always buried in the cemetery to be always with them. And that if our descendants will come there, I would not being cremated somewhere else, but were with close ones. (Inf5, m, 18, student)

3. The desire to stay within the tradition

Informant №8 noted that burial in the cemetery was "a more usual way for me", Informant №9 said that she "would like to stay within the traditions" (Inf8, m, 20, student; Inf9, f, 22, student). In this case, all informants are united by their adherence to well-established religious and family traditions.

4. Possibility of exhumation in case of unnatural death

Informant №2 in case of unnatural death would prefer to be buried in a cemetery, as in this case it is possible to dig up the body and carry out additional investigative actions (Inf2, f, 22, student).

Those who wished other ways of handling the body had the following thoughts on this issue:

1. They see no point in burial in a cemetery.

This reason correlates with the attitude of informants to funerals as a "relic of the past", they no longer see any sense in it, this opinion was studied above (Inf1, f, 21, student; Inf12, f, 20, student).

2. The cost of burial in a cemetery

Many informants deviate from traditions and are guided by rational reasons in choosing the method of burial. In this case, the reason for not buried in the cemetery is considered to be expensive. In this way, informants show rationality and pragmatism in building their life plan.

This whole funeral business, it's not very supportive. That is, it needs to buy a place in the cemetery, hire people to dig a grave, to make you a monument, to make you a coffin, a photograph of the monument, although it is now done by laser, but still. A fence, so that it would be somehow human, it's all very expensive and it's backed by money. (Inf13, m, 21, student)

3. Burial in a cemetery is unecological.

In addition, ecological values are also an important element in the context of rational lifestyles. Many informants consider 'traditional funerals' harmful to nature and plan to use other ways to deal with the body after their death.

If it is death by natural processes, I would prefer cremation, because why contaminate the environment with an extra body? (Inf2, f, 22, student)

As for the funeral process, informants see it in various ways. The first thing to note is the organization of the funeral process, as the family wishes.

Corresponds to the position of informants described above that the funeral process is an event for the mourners, not for the dead. Their separation from their own bodies after death is noticeable. This was often the case with non-religious informants, who believe that after death there is a final end to life. Their main concern is the well-being of their loved ones.

I think that there should be freedom for people - they want to grieve, remember or something else. (Inf4, f, 21, student)

Other informants described their desired funeral in a different way: as "light event", "under the disco", "light and quiet", "epic funeral", "without sadness" (Inf12, f, 20, student; Inf2, f, 22, student; Inf9, f, 22, student; Inf7, m, 22, worker; Inf13, m, 21, student).

If it were possible, I would like my body to be launched into space or to be thrown into the ocean, so that it would be more fun, so that the funeral would seem a holiday. (Inf7, m, 22, worker)

Often such an opinion can be traced to those informants who had experience of attending funerals and were dissatisfied with what they are, how people behave at them.

The third category included the opinion of informants who want a quiet and humble funeral process, which would be attended only by those close to them.

I see it as something, so simple, easy, surrounded by family, close people, I don't know, not long, not dragged out, and that I have there some, say, a tribute, a tribute to memory, so to speak, quite modestly, and that's it. (Inf14, m, 23, student)

An important aspect of the study of informant perceptions of own death as part of a biographical project is the study of attitudes towards organ donation after death. So absolutely all informants answered that they have a positive attitude towards organ donation after death and would like to donate their own organs as well.

As positive as possible. I think that it is a very good practice, that it is necessary and yes, if it happens that my organs could be donated, I would very much like to have my organs donated too. (Inf12, f, 20, student)

If my carcass can do any good after death, then why not? If it can save someone's life or just improve their life, that's fine, you should take advantage of it. (Inf7, m, 22, worker).

During the interview, the topic of preparing informants close to their death was also touched upon. Thus, informants who want to do such a procedure explained it in the following way:

Firstly, many of the informants believe that such a measure allows for a calm attitude so that the death of the informant is not a blow to them (Inf2, f, 22, student; Inf13, m, 21, student).

Second, preparing can help children understand death as a normal phenomenon. For example, informant №2 takes this practice very seriously because she has the first memory of the death of a close relative when, because of her early age, the parents did not let the informant say goodbye to the deceased. She believes that parents should show their children that this is a normal process and not to fence their children.

I would, I do not know, somehow would try to quietly, quietly talk about this topic, to say that "so and so, I'm about to leave my life for some reason, not just for fun, but there is nothing wrong with it, so it happened". Well, I would generally like to calm down the person or people to whom I would say this, so that they do not worry and do not miss for me. (Inf14, m, 23, student)

Contrary to this view is the view that such conversations cannot prepare those close to their approach.

...to death cannot be prepared. Definitely not. It's too hard, it'll be a blow anyway. (Inf1, f, 21, student)

Lastly in this paragraph it will be considered the vision of informants of memory about themselves after death. Thus, informants define this kind of memory in different ways:

1. Memory through public good

A popular opinion was the desire of informants to leave behind a contribution to society, a useful invention that could benefit people. In this case, the ambitiousness of informants is noticeable, as well as their desire to "be useful", achieving success in their work.

I've always wanted to make some contribution to the development of humankind, to do something like that, maybe because I'm studying, working and developing in the technical field, yes, I'd like to make some invention, yes, something that will help everyone to remember me for a long time, well, of course, not for everyone to remember me, I just always wanted to somehow promote mankind. (Inf8, m, 20, student)

2. Memory through children

The informants also noted the desire to leave children behind after their death. Some of them noted that in this way their memory could be passed on from generation to generation.

I really wish there was something left after I died. In the sense that it might be, for example, children or grandchildren ... (Inf12, f, 20, student)

3. Memory through family business

Some of the informants expressed a desire to remain in the memory of their loved ones. For example, informant №10 wants to do it by creating a family business.

For example, there, I don't know, organize some family business, give it a start... (Inf10, f, 21, student)

This paragraph analyzed how death fits into informant biographical projects. So, for example, the normalization of attitude to death took place in the following way: through collision with death, through studying the topic, through finding a new circle of communication. The own death of informants is seen in old age, without torment and in sanity. As for the method of burial, the informants wishing to be buried in the cemetery were guided by the following reasons: the desire to leave a physical place for memory, the desire to be near the dead relatives, the desire to remain within the framework of traditions, the possibility of exhumation in case of unnatural death. Those informants who would prefer other ways of treating the body argued their opinion in the following way: they see no sense in burial in the cemetery, for them it is a relic of the past, the cost of burial in the cemetery, the unecological nature of burial in the cemetery. Informants see the funeral process itself as an event without sadness, in the circle of loved ones. As for the memory after death, which they would like to leave behind after their death, the informants would like to benefit the society, for example, by inventing, leaving behind children or family business.

2.1.4 Perceptions of digital death

This paragraph will address the perception of digital death by informants. The analysis of empirical material has shown that there are three types of perception of digital accounts of the dead.

The first category is related to the fact that digital space is seen as the "world of the living" - a virtual platform in which the presence of digital accounts of the dead is not desirable. Informants use different logic of argumentation: in one case the leitmotif is the idea that such accounts interfere with the "living" people and produce "unnecessary" digital noise, "fill the network", "clog the air" (Inf8, m, 20, student; Inf13, m, 21, student).

If it somehow will further interfere with the existence of social networks, that is, it will overload the server, there will be a lot of pages, which are already a very large amount of time no one has come in, of course, they should, I think, remove themselves, because they just clog the air, so to speak. (Inf13, m, 21, student)

As can be seen from the narrative presented, some informants may use the rhetoric of technical resource constraints and platform "saturation", confirming their idea that if the "dead" people's accounts interfere with the "living", they should be deleted.

In the second case, informants are guided by emotional reasons, namely with unpleasant feelings of people who may accidentally get to the "dead" page in their networks:

But I know for sure that the functioning of the page should be stopped, they should have a person over them, because it is strange when a dead person continues to write, where his parents start to write on his behalf, it is a bit cryptic, to be honest. (Inf11, f, 22, student)

With social networks, well, I think, personally, I think they should be removed. Because again, I had a math teacher died one day in 10th grade. I loved her very much, but of course I was upset. But every time I try to send something to my sister, and they have the first letters of the name similar, and when it comes out to me, this teacher who died, it's kind of hard for me to look at it. (Inf15, f, 22, student)

The following type is related to the fact that "dead" pages must have "limited" functionality. That is, these informants believe that it is not necessary to delete "dead" pages in social networks, but it is necessary to limit the communication and functionality of this page. For example, informant №12 explained her decision to remove a page by the fact that it represents the "fingerprint of a person's identity," which means it is valuable at least to her loved ones. Many other informants, whose opinion was placed in this category, expressed a similar position that it is necessary to leave these accounts in order for some memory to remain about the person.

At the same time, those who want to leave their social networks after death note that there should be limited interaction with their accounts, leave "external information", "bring it to the proper form" (Inf9, f, 22, student; Inf14, m, 23, student). In this case, we can see a clear distinction between personal information and information that may remain freely available after their death: "maybe it is necessary to mark, there are messages exactly, maybe there is a mobile phone, which exactly should not be seen or used by anyone else" (Inf9, f, 22, student). At the same time, content that was freely available during the life of informants, such as photos, may have been in the public domain even after their death.

Let them close it all, let them delete it somehow, let them keep the photos there, for example, for relatives, if we are talking about Instagram, I don't know, make screenshots if anyone needs them... (Inf11, f, 22, student)

The third view is related to the idea that the opinion of the owner of social networks should be considered. Informants expressed the view that measures for dealing with human social networks should be discussed in advance. Thus, people with such a position, unlike other opinions described above, give people the right to use their social networks themselves, including after death.

I think that it is necessary, well, in general, it should be also spelled out in, well, not in property, but... well, maybe somebody will take care of it themselves and, like, give rights to the relatives. (Inf9, f, 22, student)

Next, we will analyze the informants' perceptions about innovations in digital immortality and first consider their attitude to the "digital clone", i.e. artificial intelligence created for communication in the style of the deceased person. Thus, the analysis has highlighted three types of perceptions of these innovations.

The first is the notion of innovation as a "push of science to defeat death". Informants also noted that such innovations can be "a donation of opinion, a donation of character". They found the idea interesting, but some noted that it was important to keep the information collected to create such a clone private (Inf4, f, 21, student). Moreover, in general, innovations in digital immortality are perceived as something "important for society", "may be a salvation for human" (Inf8, m, 20, student; Inf10, f, 21, student).

...if a bot had my character, the more characters there are, the more fun it is to communicate. Well, it's kind of easier than organ donation, actually. It's a donation of opinion, a donation of character. (Inf11, f, 22, student)

The second type of representation is defined as follows: "unnatural", "some kind of toy" (Inf9, f, 22, student; Inf13, m, 21, student). Some informants were worried about loved ones who would create such a digital clone, because they "may become dependent on it" (Inf15, f, 22, student). In general, they perceive other innovations in the field as "frightening", they are "against eternal life", life in this case has "no rational outcome" (Inf9, f, 22, student; Inf2, f, 22, student; Inf15, f, 22, student). Since many informants, as it was found out earlier, perceive death as a natural course of life, then they are not ready to create innovations in the sphere of death, which can lead to digital immortality of human, thus violating the naturalness, inevitability of death.

The third type of representation is defined as ''moral aid to loved ones''. There was also a small number of informants, who noted that they themselves did not want the creation of such a bot, but if so wished by their relatives, if it would be easier for them to survive the loss, then in this case they are not against it.

If they [the loved ones] want it, I might agree. Again, if it would do at least some moral good for them there, then fine, I would agree. (Inf7, m, 22, student)

As for the impact of these innovations on the attitude to death, many noted that there would be a normalization of people's attitude to this life phenomenon and it would be easier to bear the death of loved ones.

Perhaps it will reduce, that is, it will remove some of the fears, and well, reduce the overall level of experience in this regard. (Inf9, f, 22, student)

In the course of work on this paragraph, three perceptions of digital space by informants were singled out: digital space is the "world of the living", in which the pages of dead people are perceived as "filling a network", interfere with the normal functioning of the pages of living people, and can also cause unpleasant emotions in people when they get on them; digital space should have "limited" functionality, because they represent the "imprint of a person's personality" and can remain as memory for loved ones; taking into account the opinion of the owner of a social account.

With regard to innovations in digital immortality, informants see them as follows: the idea of such innovations, including a digital bot, as a "push of science to defeat death", the idea of an "unnatural phenomenon", which jeopardizes the idea of people of death as a natural course of life; the idea of innovations as moral assistance to loved ones, in which a digital bot can help to cope with the loss of a loved one. In general, informants noted that innovations in digital immortality can lead to the normalization of people's attitudes to death.

Chapter Conclusions

During the work on the empirical part, special attention was paid to the following aspects: the attitude of informants to death and funeral rites, death in the context of biographical projects, and the perception of digital death.

In the first aspect - the informant's relationship to death and funeral rites - a number of types of informant perceptions of death were identified. Thus, for example, religiousness and non-religiousness were explained by informants' perception of death as ''transition to a better world'' and as ''end''. The absence of fear of death was explained by the idea of death as an 'image', for example, in the form of ''Grim Reaper''. The taboo of topic of death was traced in the families of informants and among some friends brought up in similar families. As for funeral rites, the attitude to them is built in the same way through religion, that is, for example, unbelieving informants perceive such rites as a relic of the past and look at the funeral process as a whole from a more practical side.

The analysis of death in the context of biographical projects showed how the informants see their own death, how these perceptions were built up. The informants noted that the ideal for them is death in old age, without pain and in right mind. Attention was also drawn to the desired method of burial, the vision of which in many ways resonates with the attitude of informants to funeral rites. Thus, among the informants were those who wanted to be buried in a cemetery, as well as those who would like for themselves alternative ways of handling the body, such as cremation. Informants see the funeral process as a bright event in the circle of loved ones. Memory after death is seen, for example, through children, help to society and family affairs.

The perceptions of digital death were also examined. Particular attention was paid to the perception of digital space, for example, some informants separated the "world of the living" from the "world of the dead", perceiving the "dead" pages as "trash" that prevents the whole digital space from functioning properly by "filling the network". There were also those who believed that the "dead" pages should remain as a memory for loved ones. The attitude of informants to innovations in digital immortality was also discussed in detail. It was noticeable that many of them are not ready for such innovations, as it violates the naturalness of death. Many people perceive the "digital clone" with fear but believe that if this innovation can help people to survive the loss, it is not bad.



Conclusions

The research was aimed at obtaining information on how young people perceive death in the context of their biographical projects. It was determined by studying their attitude to death, to funeral rites, their experience of death, their vision of their own death and their attitude to the digital aspects of this phenomenon. For this aim, 15 semi-structured in-depth interviews with the youth of St. Petersburg were conducted.

The youth we study fits into the description of the millennial generation examined by Omelchenko (2017) and Radaev (2018). It is noticeable that they are deeply involved in digital life, are tolerant of other people's views, dedicated to healthy lifestyles and ecological values, less religious than older generations, and are worried of their privacy in the digital space.

Despite the divergence of opinion among some researchers on the taboo nature of death in contemporary Russian society, the analysis of the interview revealed that the subject is silenced both in families and among friends "who are raised under the conditions that it is a taboo topic" (Inf10, f, 21, student).

As for the conclusions of this paper, the following points were identified:

The "personal alienation from death", which C. Exley wrote about (2004), is also observed among young people in St. Petersburg. They are more likely to discuss other people's deaths, such as the victims of natural disasters, rather than their own deaths and those of their loved ones. Some informants have defined this topic as "personal".

It should be noted that young people do indeed reflect on the topic of death and particularly the funeral process. Thus, as for the informants' perceptions of death, many of them see death as an image in the form of ''Grim Reaper''. In general, most informants see death as the end, after which there is no hell, no heaven, and no other idea about the afterlife. Such positions were observed for non-religious informants, while believers had a different view of death. The religious reasons for a certain attitude towards death were also considered. As Ellis and Wahab (2013) noted, describing the "buffering theory", religiosity "blocks or delays fear of death". This statement was confirmed in interviews with religious informants; they do not fear death because they perceive it as a "transition to a better world". As for perceptions of funeral process, one informant noted that the method of burial she desired depend on the type of death by which she will die, i.e. in the event of unnatural death she would prefer to be buried in order to be able to carry out additional investigative actions through exhumation of the body, and in the event of natural death cremation due to its greater ecological compatibility. In general, it can be noted that religious views also influence the attitude to funeral rites. For example, among those who are believers, the desire for "traditional funerals" in the cemetery was mentioned.

With many alternatives, young people build their own life paths, often guided by pragmatic goals rather than traditions. They see their death in deep old age, without torment and in sentiment. The way of burial is based on practical considerations, such as cheaper cremation than burial on the cemetery, considerations of religion and the will of their loved ones, because often the funeral process is perceived by informants as an event for the mourners rather than the dead. In addition, ''symbolic immortality'' was considered, which is achieved by people in the following ways: biological, creative, theological, natural, empirical. In the process of analyzing the interview, the first three scenarios were observed. Thus, some informants noted that they wanted to keep their memory through the procreation, others wanted to benefit society, and there were also those who believed that life does not end in death, that after it there is a "better world", so they show the theological scenario.

The attitude to the digital aspects of death has also been studied. Thus, for example, it is worth paying attention to the measures of dealing with social network accounts after death. Locasto, Massimi and DePasquale (2011) also wrote about such measures, talking about the importance of people solving these issues in advance, for example, identifying people who will be given access in case of death. In a number of interviews, it was noticeable that informants think about such measures, but most often they focus on the fact of removing their social networks.

With regard to legal issues, such as the ''right to be forgotten'', which allows for the control their digital footprint, it is noticeable that informants do not care about their "existence" in the digital space after death, and therefore also the digital footprint left behind (Myers, 2016).

Moreover, informants do not welcome the memorialization on social media of the deceased, which is written about by Leaver and Highfield (2016). Informants believe that if the pages of the deceased are not removed from the social networks, the functionality of the page should be limited so that it is not possible to leave comments and publish posts on behalf of the deceased person, that is, they are trying to prevent such practices. In general, there was a noticeable division by many informants of the digital space into the "world of the living" and the "world of the dead" and a desire to displace the "dead pages" by removing them, as they appear to be "trash" that interferes with the functioning of the digital environment.

As for the attitude towards innovations in digital immortality, which can include, for example, a "digital clone" of informants, is cautious, but they say that such innovations can help some people to survive loss of close ones and also "can defeat death" in the future (Inf1, f, 21, student).



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Appendix A

Table of informants



Appendix B

Transcription of interview

digital immortality social

Интервьюер: Еще раз здравствуйте, меня зовут Лиана. Я провожу интервью в рамках написания дипломной работы на тему исследования представлений о смерти молодежи Санкт-Петербурга. Мы начнем с вопросов о вас и затем перейдем к обсуждению вашего отношения к смерти и к ее аспектам. Так как тема является довольно деликатной, вы в любой момент можете отказаться от дальнейших вопросов. Наше интервью будет записано на диктофон для проведения дальнейшего анализа. Все будет анонимно и представлено в обобщенном виде. Для начала расскажите, пожалуйста, немножко о себе, чем занимаетесь, если учитесь, то где, если работаете, то кем работаете, про ваши увлечения что-нибудь.

Информант: Здравствуйте, меня зовут (имя), мне 21 год. Я сейчас являюсь студентом 3 курса (название университета), учусь на факультете экономики и финансов, образовательной программе "Экономика". Живу в Петербурге не с рождения, я сюда приехал поступать в университет в 2016 году, то есть уже, получается, практически 4 года я проживаю на территории бывшего Ленинграда, нынешнего Санкт-Петербурга. Что еще. Жил в общежитии долгое время, сейчас, буквально две недели назад переехал на квартиру, живу с девушкой. Вот.

Интервьюер: Хорошо. А можете, пожалуйста, немножко рассказать про свои увлечения?

Информант: Про увлечения. Так, ну, давайте, я не знаю, можно обобщенно сказать, пусть это будет какой-то там спорт, музыка, отдых, не знаю, может быть компьютерные игры. Если чуть более углублённо, то если музыка, то люблю слушать музыку, сам являюсь в какой-то степени музыкантом, потому что я играю на ударных инструментах, то есть, на барабанных и на всех в принципе, по чему можно бить. Это очень давно уже все происходит, года с, класса с 7, давайте так, чтобы не вспоминать эти все старые годы, когда это было, зачем и почему, вот. Получается являюсь участником двух музыкальных коллективов, оба из которых более-менее продолжают существование. Естественно, на данный момент это все приостановлено и производится в дистанционном режиме, но тем не менее оно есть. Что касается спорта, в принципе, не хочу сказать, что я какой-то там спортивный парень, что спортивные залы-качалки, этим я никогда не занимался, и профессионально никогда не углублялся в спорт, хотя попытки какие-то были с детства Ну не с детства, но что-то всегда хотелось делать, но это все пресекалось и я терял желание. Поэтому из того, что осталось, это бег, просто чисто для себя иногда выбежать на пробежечку -- это хорошо, полезно. Ну и скейтбординг - то, чем я занимаюсь уже действительно очень долго, и который все еще не выходит у меня из головы, просто, именно, опять же для себя, не для кого-то, не для чего-то, не для каких-то достижений, просто для себя, приятно выехать, покататься, попрыгать. Плюс это дает какую-то психологическую эмоциональную разгрузку. Работаю, это я сказал уже. Работа тоже поглощает меня, потому что работаю там, где хотел, точнее, в направлении, в котором я хотел. Я бартендер или бармен, как удобнее. Давно хотел попасть, и в результате все нравится, все классно.

Интервьюер: Хорошо. Можете, пожалуйста, рассказать про своих друзей, про свою семью, какие у вас со всеми ними отношения, большой ли у вас круг общения?

Информант: Про семью, она состоит из мамы, папы, младшего брата и меня. Общаемся мы, ну, нормально, в принципе. Я не могу сказать, что мы прям какие-то супер-друзья, возможно, к сожалению, возможно к счастью. То есть такое общение происходит, что вот "как дела? все нормально". Ну и просто никаких особенно своих тайн, что у меня может быть лежит на душе, на сердце, я никогда, опять же, не знаю, к сожалению или к счастью, за всю свою жизнь не раскрывал. То есть, действительно, никаких душевных разговоров у нас не было, поэтому отношения, в принципе, семейные, близкие, но не какие-то прям откровенные, как бывает у некоторых, что прям друзья-друзья. Касательно друзей - есть такие люди у меня, присутствуют в моей жизни, непосредственно. В основном это люди, которых я знаю уже очень долго, даже вот с детства. Есть те, которых я знаю практически с рождения, которые являлись там детьми друзей моей семьи, с которыми мы еще продолжаем общение, уже, конечно, не такое, но тем не менее как бы есть. Ну и те, с которыми я подружился еще в начальной школе, те, с которыми мы прошли через огонь, воду и медные трубы, через все вот это. На которых я могу рассчитывать, могу положиться. В основном это такие друзья. По поводу того, какой у меня круг общения в принципе, ну, общаюсь я в принципе со всеми, кто хочет со мной общаться, мне не сложно, но в то же время я куда-то ближе к себе их не подпущу, пока не буду полностью уверен в этом человеке, вот так.

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