Republicanism and rule-following: subjectivity in the later ludwig wittgenstein's philosophy of language and philip pettit's theory of freedom
Evolution of Wittgenstein’s ideas. Political implications of he’s theory. The critique of liberalism and socialism. Pettit’s solution to rule-following paradox in his political theory. Epistemological argument against domination in political theory.
| Рубрика | Философия |
| Вид | дипломная работа |
| Язык | английский |
| Дата добавления | 25.08.2020 |
| Размер файла | 49,9 K |
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Andrew Lintott (1999) shows that the election of the dictator was an act of direct democracy, as it had to be approved by different branches of power: the Senate, two consuls and the Curiate Assembly that consisted of the representatives of different neighborhoods and in this way involved most part of the citizens. Besides, even though the authority of the dictators was considerable their power was still limited by laws, traditions and, most importantly, duration. The dictator had to give up their power when they achieved their cause or when the term of six months had expired unless the Senate prolonged this term. All these restrictions ensured that the citizens could trust the dictator so they would still act in accordance to their own will when they follow the dictator. All of them are part of a political order that involves the citizens becoming a form of life for them so that even extraordinary appointment becomes a part of the order and even abandoning control, the citizens maintained it.
In such a way, Roman institute of dictatorship never restricted the freedom of the citizens as it was based on the rule of law. Even though the dictators were given extraordinary power, the citizens were still protected from arbitrary power and domination from their side. Law is what ensures non-domination because it is common language that unites the society and makes everyone equal preventing single person from taking all power and trying to impose their own, private vision of rules.
Conclusion
To put it in a nutshell, one of the reasons why the ideal of non-domination is worth striving to is that domination in itself creates contradiction that leads to destruction of political society. It makes rule-following impossible as it ties to privatize political language while its privatization is impossible. The government cannot deprive the citizens of their free will and remains dependent on their opinion. That is why in order to remain in power it has to make rule-following impossible and destroy the rule of law that unites political community.
Conclusion
To put it concisely, Ludwig Wittgenstein and Saul Kripke while investigating the problem of rule-following constructed an image of the subject that is only possible in society and closely connected with it. The subjects and the language they use together exist in intersubjective space. It is only possible to follow rules of the language and have a consistent personality in the presence of others.
However, Wittgensteinian view of the language posed a problem of connection between the reality and the language and of possibility to follow rules at all. Saul Kripke tried to solve the problem of rule-following by pointing out to the practices adopted in a particular community. Nevertheless, his solution does not explain how the formulation of any rules concerning any sets of objects is possible in the first place.
Philip Pettit tried to solve this problem from the perspective of the dispositionalist theory of response-dependence combined with Kripke's solution. He suggested that the properties become salient to the subjects making them disposed to interpret them a certain way. Nevertheless, this disposition does not guarantee that these properties will be interpreted that way. The interpretation depends on the rules of interpretation that we follow and the perspectives that the agents adopt together with others. It is essential for the rules to be rules to be elaborated to exist in a society and coordinate our interpretations of them. They are selected in the process of reasoning when we face understanding or misunderstanding that signal us that either the circumstances or the subjects are not normal and some corrections to the rule should be done.
The same way political discourse is constructed in his theory. The agents can only be free in a society where they reason and elaborate rules together. This process of common reasoning excludes the agents from the simple chain of natural causes and effects and at the same time gives them an opportunity to influence the rules they live by. They together authorize each other as equal participants in the process of rule-making and reasonable beings that take responsibility for their actions in the light of the rules they elaborated and endorsed. Only this way their actions can be considered as underdetermined and counted as their own and consequently the agents can be considered as fit to be held responsible for these actions. In such a way, Pettit tries to prove that the republican interpretation of freedom has its basis in the reality but it can only be understood from a certain perspective that can be shown to us by other agents. Only when we follow the instructions of these agents and take the suggested point of view we can be counted as fit to be held responsible and, consequently, as free.
Having drawn the connection between Pettit and Wittgenstein I interpret further the ideas of the former in the light of the theory of the latter. I suppose that Pettit gives little attention to the “other side of the coin” of rule-following - the private language argument. He describes an ideal of a society where the process of deliberation works as it should due to the fact that the agents commonly authorize each other considering other people as their equal discursive partners. I on the other side want to investigate the specificity of an unfree society and psychology of the agents there developing an epistemological argument against domination on the basis of the discussion that surrounded Wittgenstein in the political philosophy. I show that hierarchical regimes face the same problems that emerge from rule-following paradox and private language argument introduced by Wittgenstein. These problems threaten the existence of political community and the only way to solve them is development of institutions and rule of law that would protect the citizens from arbitrary power.
References
political epistemological wittgenstein pettit
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