A social volunteer in Russia is faced with two systems in which s/he has to work permanently: a non-profit organization through which the volunteer works and a system of closed institutions for resident people with severe disabilities (children's home and psycho-neurological residential institutions for adults), in which the volunteer carries out its direct activity. On the one hand, in the Russian context, these two systems are designed to achieve one goal - care and life support for the disabled people. On the other hand, each system recognizes its own ways of achieving the main goal, however, institutionalizes them differently, which creates many contradictions and difficulties that directly affect the work of the volunteers.

The social reality can be described as a battleground between the two concepts of disability. The specifics of both systems are two opposite ideological trajectories in implementation of the main goal. A non-profit organization (hereinafter - NGO) is a socially oriented structure in which actors strive to improve the life of the ward (for Russian is `podopechnyy') through the model of socialization and “normalization” of the disabled people. Volunteer-oriented NGO appeared as the reaction on the medical model of soviet system of residential care. The system of state closed medical institutions is designed for permanent residence of people with mental and physical disabilities, providing social and medical conditions for them. It is the heritage of the Soviet care system that arose in the 1970s-1980s. Closed-type institutions have developed their own social and everyday implementation for dealing with people with disabilities. This reflects the medical model suggesting that people with disabilities are socially useless and socially defective.

Given the specifics of two differently directed organizational systems, a volunteer may encounter ambivalent positions in relation to s/his activities due to emerging organizational contradictions. Inasmuch as, initially, a volunteer never worked with people with severe disabilities and do not know the rules and norms on how to handle such people. Furthermore, work in the field of communication and emotional stress since the volunteer interacts with colleagues and with severely disabled people, it also shapes the experience and meanings of the work. To reduce uncertainty and inconsistency, the volunteer constructs acceptable explanations of what is happening in order to rationalize them, making sense of it (Weick, 2005). In the terms of Weick represents “sense-making” - giving meaning to the experience. In the volunteers' narratives could be found the retelling of their experiences, that make sense for them. The process of “sense-making” starts from the very first meeting with the NGO, then the first meeting with a disabled person, then it lasts throughout the entire period of activity. Volunteer's feelings and meanings, attitude and behavior change throughout the whole volunteer path. The significant events appear in such a path, much attention should be paid to the transition to a paid employee of a charitable organization with the functions of a volunteer (social curator). In this paper will be discussed a way of conceptualizing how individuals make sense of their activity in the context of two polar ideological systems through the theoretical lens of sensemaking.

This problem has attracted an attention relatively recently in the field of sociology and ethnography in Russia. Studies on situation in the in state institutions began to emerge in 2010, when charitable and non-profit organizations began to order research on this issue. Researchers from Levada center widely covered the topic about places of detention of children without parents under the government care (Koroleva et al, 2013). Then there arose a set of important studies that revealed the issue from the deep inside made by medical anthropologists at EUSP A. Klepikova and A. Altukhova. The importance of these studies lies not only in unique empirical data and it analysis, but also in the fact that they gave a significant impulse to further serious study and publicized in the media of both the social volunteer movement and the problems of integration of people with disabilities in Russia. Moreover, it is worth noting the increased interest in this problems, for example, after the report of Nyuta Federmesser on the situation in Russian psycho-neurological residential institutions, which took place in June 2019 at the Human Rights Council under the President of Russia https://meduza.io/feature/2019/06/26/sistema-pni-eto-sovremennyy-gulag-dlya-prestarelyh-i-invalidov.

This study is inspired by ethnographic research primarily by Anna Klepikova, as well as her exceptionally long and varied field work. It is worth noting that researcher continue the line of Klepikova, exploring not only volunteers but social curators as a new emerged group that has its own norms and values. The narratives of volunteers become central to this study, considering their individual experience and biographical trajectory.

Based on this, for this study, it was of interest to complement the existing scientific discussion and add value to the body of knowledge about the volunteers “sense-making”. Moreover, a new urgent task arises - to study the institution of social curators, which is just starting to work in Russia as pilot project. Social curatorship in this study acts as a turning point in the process of sense-making of volunteering. Note: work contains text from Litvinova (2020). Work with disabled children in the context of volunteer biographies, research proposal

There will be discussed a case of NGO N NGO N is the anonymized name of the organization in St. Petersburg which helps children with severe disabilities and support them when they become adults.

The object of this study are weekend volunteers and social curators of the NGO N in St. Petersburg**. Accordingly, the subject of research is the process of sense-making of volunteers.

** Explanation:

? Weekend volunteer - comes once a week to his/her ward in an psycho-neurological residential institution for adults (hereinafter - PNRI; for Russian is `psikhonevrologicheskiy internat') or in a child's home (CH - for Russian is `detskiy dom internat'), communicates with him, conducts some leisure or education activity.

? The social curator - ex weekend volunteer, who was offered official 5/2 work with several wards for a small wage. The social curator has the widest range of responsibilities, according to informants, whose borders are difficult to determine. Usually, the curator has a maximum of 16 wards to which they are assigned. Social curators are included in the sample of the study, because becoming a social curator contributes to the important discoveries and insights of the person. Moreover, most of the informants identify the volunteer and social curator as equal, in fact, their intention is built on the volunteering principals and views.

The research question is: how does a volunteer/social curator with people with disabilities explains the meaning of his activities in the context of working in two systems: NGO and system of closed institutions in St. Petersburg?

The purpose of the study is to analyze the meanings that a volunteer puts into his work in the context of two organizational systems. Based on the purpose of the study, the overall tasks of this work are:

? Description of volunteer trajectories of entering charitable organization

? Description and study sense-making stages of volunteers/social curators in relation to their activities

? Identify the points of changing the attitude of the volunteer to their activities

? To study difficulties and ambivalent positions of volunteers/social curators

The study of the inconsistency of the roles played and the reproduction of meanings by individuals in the organizational environment is widely studied in the social sciences. The emergence of new forms of organizations, which can be indicated by high organizational uncertainty, includes intersubjective communication of its participants, which forms a new social space. Furthermore, in modern scientific discourse, it is already believed that a pure institutional approach has a limited logic. This is primarily due to the fact that this approach is built on analyzing macro structure, for example, the division of labor, that do not reflect some internal organizational processes. While studying the microstructure of an organization make possible to understand that. For example, what roles and means person gives himself within the organizational context, moreover, there can be traced his actions and interpretations.

In this chapter as for start it is worth noting what is understood by subjective meanings and the process of their construction. Then there will be analyzed a number of empirical researches on the case of volunteering sense-making. It is worth noting that in this paper, the researcher follows the logic of Karl Weick's theory of “sense-making” (Weick, 1969, 1995, 2005; 2006), who investigated the microlevel individual actions in order to interpret them in the context of the organizational environment.

The process of constructing meanings widely studied in the social sciences. The initially fully developed sense-making theory was a social psychologist, Carl Weick, in his work “Sense-making in Organizations”, 1995. Instead of studying only psychosocial determinants of people's behaviors, he began to reveal the meanings that people put into their actions. It should be noted that the category of meaning was considered by other scientists before Weick, however it was he who problematized it and fully introduced it into the scientific discussion. Weick and Sutcliffe define sensemaking as a process that “involves the ongoing retrospective development of plausible images that rationalize what people are doing” (2005:409).

The importance of the contribution of Weick's work consists of several points. Firstly, Weick's large body of work has opened a new horizon in understanding social structure and the individual in the field of social research. A shift has taken place from the analysis of the position of organizations from the macro level (actors hold a power) to the analysis of everyday interactions of completely different participants of organization. Secondly, Weick's research is an important theoretical background for identity research and narrative research of organizations that we will touch on later. Thirdly, Weick's concept is crucial for understanding human actions, not only in models of organizational change, but also in the constant dynamics of social relationships.

Creating sense mainly relates to how people understand multi-level socially constructed environments. The shaped representations of a person are used to guide their actions. Sense-making is primarily the formation of ideas mediated by past experience, social clues and keys. The main attention in the process of constructing meanings is given precisely in interpretation and actions, but not in choice. Moreover, it is built on seven interconnected elements (Weick, 1995). Sense-making refers to identity that means that how a person thinks about himself and answers the question "Who am I?". Retrospective element focused on the action in the present tense relative to the experience of the person. The social element means that a person cannot be divorced from the social context in which communication takes place. Communication, in turn, sets the general idea of what is happening around. In the process of sense-making, ongoing takes place, that is, the person's experience is continuous, as is s/his reaction and actions. Cues start the process of constructing meanings, they “push” the individual to action. A signal may be, for example, a structural change in the organization or a contradiction of identity of a person. Last but not least element is plausibility that embodies the idea that the production of meanings is more important than accuracy. That is, simply put, for a person in the construction of meanings, it is more important how much s/his own perception is related to the idea of common sense and the idea of “good” and “bad”.

For Weick, the process of constructing meanings is based on people's storytelling. Such a new approach becomes the opposite of formal scientific models for the study of meanings, which are more focused on the rationality of choice. In the analysis of human stories, the accuracy and reliability of information is not so important as a personal interpretation, perception and feelings of a person. Such stories can be presented orally and in writing, one way or another they still serve as a tool for revealing the person's perception. In a more modern work “Organizing and the Process of Sensemaking”, Weick (2005) reinterprets and refines his classical concept, attracting greater insight into emotions and feelings.

Despite the enormous influence of Weick's classical theory, it naturally criticized. In the work of Weber and Glyn (2006), the thesis was put forward that Weick did not take into account an important factor of the institutional context in the development of his theory. While Weick seeks to interweave sense-making and the institutional context, Weber and Glyn represent institutions as a substance for understanding and dynamically shaping actions. The authors propose three mechanisms that reveal the need for an institutional context - this is priming, editing and triggering. The authors take as the basis the assertions of Berger and Luckmann (1996) that institutions are based on typifications and classifications. In this regard, the logic is built that the institutional context is introduced into the process of comprehension in the form of normative roles (for ex. employee, employer), templates and scripts. It is important to note that the authors conclude that institutional ideas are not incompatible with the prospect of creating sense. In this conclusion, one can find some contradiction in the fact that authors essentially discovered the interweaving of organizations and the process of reflection, so those ideas are compatible.

Since the construction of meanings according to Weick take such a category for interpretation as emotions and feelings, it is necessary to touch on related studies. Turning to theoretical premises emotion as a category began to be actively included in social studies since the 19th century, so a new branch of sociology called the sociology of emotions, developed by Hochschild (1979), is currently being actively built. He studied how the rules of sensation are seen as part of an ideology that deals with emotions and feelings.

For this study, there is a significant work of Horrocks and Callahan (2006), who began to delve into how narration and emotions are used to construct personality. Narratives are seen as a natural form of communication. Horrocks and Callahan empirical study examined the expression of emotions, both written and verbal, in eight women who were enrolled in a graduation workshop on the study of emotions in organizations. Each week (for 15 weeks), study participants wrote diaries about their emotions and interpretations of their own experience. Using the included observation, the researchers collected oral narratives, which were then immediately processed using the open coding method. It is interesting to note that the authors used their own interpretations of other people's emotions during the included observation, that could lead to observer bias. At the end of the data collection, the researchers concluded that while some people control emotions to maintain a socially acceptable identity in the organization, others try to keep a balance between a socially acceptable and their own personality. The authors make an important conclusion that the stories contribute to the awareness of ambiguity and "help individuals make more tangible the identities they construct in multiple social contexts" (Horrocks & Callahan, 2006: 81).

Many researchers recognize narrative analysis as a method for studying the process of making sense. It fit into social research after consolidating Weick's theory and its focus on storytelling. The “narrative turn” happened in the 1980s, it states that considering a storytelling and narrative nature can reveal various forms of knowledge (Gotlib, 2013). Such a turn is associated with redefining attention to the importance in the life of a person of the importance of narration and reflexivity in this regard (Charmaz, 2006). That is, awareness of the importance of narrative analysis in literature and linguistics has been introduced into the scientific community. There are several previous directions and key authors whose ideas served as sources of a narrative approach in the social sciences. For example, the social interactionism of J. Mead, the theory of roles of T. Sarbin, the dramatic approach in sociology of E. Goffman, the works of cultural anthropology by G. Bateson and K. Gierz. It is especially worth considering anthropology as a discipline in which the narrative method is the most introduced. Anthropology in the number of works offers new ways of studying the complexities of organizational life and the process of constructing narrative meaning (Gabriel, 1991; Maggio, 2014; Rosen, 1991). Through the close and personal participation in the field, anthropology helps to reveal how a person understands the meaning. Narratives serve as “windows into the emotional, political and symbolic lives of organizations” (Gabriel, 2000:2).

Many authors agree on two things. The first is that the study of narrative does not set itself the goal of historically and factually describing the history of a person but understanding the point of view of the narrator in the context of his life (Gotlib, 2013; Gudova, 2017). The second, narrative, above all, becomes a tool for organizing the information and experience that is built into the structure of reflection (Bruner, 2000; Gilbert, 2002). Third, the narrative is not truth and accuracy, since it goes through several views on the same event, it is not based on positivistic concepts of truth, but rather on reliability (Bailey, 1996; Weick et al, 2005).

As organizational socialization tightly refers to the process of `sense-making' in a new environment (Weick, 2001). This refers to Weick's original statement that as a person enters a new and unknown organization, s/he tries to make sense of what is revealed by collecting social cues and information (Weick, 2001). It is significant as a number of authors claim that sense-making takes place under the influence of values and socialization and is a forming factor in the behavior of volunteers (Haski-Leventhal & Bargal, 2008; Pajo & Lee, 2011). Social psychologists Hidalgo and Moreno (2009) argue that as a volunteer socializing with the social network and social support, training and understanding of own activity.

D. Haski-Leventhal and D. Bargal in their work "The volunteer stages and transitions model: Organizational socialization" consider a volunteer included in the organizational sphere in the process of socialization. The example of the 22 Israeli volunteers who work with risky youth on the street. Authors show how volunteers make sense of the organizational environment and developed a model of 5 stages in volunteers' organizational socialization, which is built considering emotions that are reflected in the different stages. The ideas of Leventhal and Bargal are based on the problematic position of a volunteer in social organizations. That is, the volunteer feels a great deal of uncertainty in relation to his role and expected tasks. This problem arises due to the weak structured organization and formal training of volunteers. Volunteers try to define their role with help of informal sources through peers, emotional feedback from the one who is being helped and personal experience. It is important to note that this model indicates that the volunteer is moving from one stage of socialization not because of time periods, but because of certain events. At each stage of socialization, the volunteer embodies his feelings and perceptions, costs and benefits, as well as relationships with his colleagues and supervisor of the organization. Authors conclude that volunteers portrayed their perception according to the event, not to the timeline (Haski-Leventhal & Bargal, 2008).

Additional support for these ideas comes from work of Yanay and Yanay (2008) who analyzes the meanings due to which volunteers do not remain in the organization, and why they drop it off. Dropping off happens, the authors argue, due to the fact that the organization does not provide proper support to a volunteer who has a contradiction between his expectations and the actual experience gained. As a result, volunteers leave the organization. In addition to that, Husky-Leventhal and Bargal (2008) note that most volunteers end up with burnout as they are demotivated after facing constant unchanging problems, for example, when their efforts have not led to noticeable changes. Furthermore, considering the sensemaking process in the end volunteers' perception of their own activity became increasingly stressful.

Thus, we can trace how the process of sense-making is formed and studied in an academic way. Both classic and more modern works by Weick give an initial understanding of the complexity and significance of the sense-making process. Moreover, having studied a number of works on the process of constructing meanings on the example of volunteers in the social sphere, it can be concluded that, in parallel with sense-making, main authors study organizational socialization, the boundaries and barriers of inclusion in the community, as well as the factors for the volunteer to continue working.

Chapter 1.2 Social volunteering, residential care institutions and non-profit organization

Social volunteers work with such population groups as HIV-infected, orphans, the homeless, the elderly, people with disabilities, etc. The basis of such social assistance is a variety of it: remote collection of clothing, food, personal hygiene

products; assistance within the framework of a specific NGO in organizing

educational and entertainment events, holidays; direct communication with the ward is also possible in order to provide him with the opportunity for socialization or the development of any skills. In general, social volunteering through their activities are aimed at helping and caring for weak and unprotected people.

According to Pevnaya, a researcher in the Russian scientific field of study volunteering, it is accepted to narrowly define and understand the term volunteering with restricting it to the scope of social work (Pevnaya, 2013; Sikorskaya, 2007). In addition to the significant social function, Western researchers additionally attribute to volunteering the functions of leisure and ordinary everyday practice. Such leisure, according to the definition of Stebbins (1996), is serious, but sometimes volunteering can be an ordinary leisure, while in Russian society volunteering is perceived narrowly within the framework of civic, moral and labor duty, but not leisure (Mersiyanova & Yakobson, 2009).

Volunteerism is a universal phenomenon and constant social practice which has the same foundation in many cultures. Firstly, volunteering is always a socially oriented activity, involving the humanization of social relations. Secondly, volunteering involves activities on a gratuitous, non-material basis, which emphasizes the free will of the volunteer. For example, G. Bodrenkova and S. Karavaeshnikov defines volunteering as “… a socially useful activity (individual or collective) carried out by people free of charge on the basis of goodwill and free choice in favor of third parties or society as a whole” “Это общественно-полезная деятельность (индивидуальная или коллективная), осуществляемая людьми безвозмездно на основе доброй воли и свободного выбора в пользу третьих лиц или общества в целом.” (2011:25). The Russian scientist, Kudrinskaya, who has devoted many of her works to the phenomenon of volunteering, defines volunteering in western understanding as "an activity carried out by people voluntarily at no cost and aimed at achieving socially significant goals, solving community problems" (Kudrinskaya, 2006:15) “...деятельности, осуществляемой людьми добровольно на безвозмездной основе и направленной на достижение социально значимых целей, решение проблем сообщества”.

Let us turn to the Russian researcher I. Mersiyanova, who is deeply involved in the study of volunteer activities and civic engagement. Mersiyanova defines volunteering as “selfless individual or collective activity for the benefit of other people or society, as a kind of philanthropic practices'' (Mersiyanova & Yakobson, 2009:10). Many researchers, in defining volunteering, take into account altruistic intentions as central to the behavior of volunteers (Lyons, 2003). However, this approach has been called into question (Wearing, 2001). For example, in the book devoted to international volunteering presents a series of cases of tourist volunteering, which does not carry altruistic intentions, but only helps to develop any skills or get job promotion (Lyons & Wearing, 2007). Moreover, short-term (or spontaneous) volunteering most often carries only personal goals (to receive a certificate for participation, to attend private events, etc.). However, there is one particular type of spontaneous volunteering without personal selfish intentions is volunteering in emergency situations, for example, when thousands of volunteers went out to help victims of the flood in the Far East in 2013 or in the situation of the coronavirus epidemic 2020.

Despite the free of charge nature of the work, volunteering may also include material compensation. J. Smith in his work calls such volunteers who receive at least some material benefits from the work “quasi-volunteers” (1981). Continuing the thought of Smith, M. Pevnaya indicates the compulsion of such a situation in order to keep the volunteer, as most often s/he cannot devote all his time to volunteering because of own financial need that cannot be close with unpaid activity. Pevnaya calls such volunteering “half-volunteering” (2013). Despite the necessity of compensation, volunteering in the eyes of society reduces its significance and moral value (Klepikova, 2011).

To conclude about main characters of volunteering, turn to Pevnaya (2012), who made in her article wide analysis of both Russian and foreign articles revealed the following characteristics of volunteering, considering these concepts as a whole:

1) The concept is based on activities that actors are engaged in of their own free will, their desire, their own choice.

2) People who carry out this kind of activity (work) do not expect any material reward for the results of their work.

3) This activity shows signs of institutionally fixed.

Thus, “volunteering” can be defined primarily by voluntariness, lack of monetary compensation and implementation in free time from the main employment.

In this paper, the important statement takes into account that research about the activities of social volunteers cannot be divorced from the context of the organization in which they carry out their activities, as it becomes a powerful constructive factor in the behavior and attitudes of volunteers (Haski-Leventhal & Bargal, 2008; Klepikova, 2011). Therefore, in accordance with the objectives of the study, it is necessary to provide relevant characteristics and features of the volunteer movement in Russia and its features in working in NGOs.

Volunteering that came after the 1990s with the help of international charitable organizations began to be fixed at the institutional level, for example, in a number of Federal Laws of 1996 on the regulation of the legal status of non-profit organizations. Later in 2006, a system of state grant support for non-profit organizations appeared. (Ukaz Prezidenta Rossiyskoy Federatsii № 30 «O grantakh Prezidenta Rossiyskoy Federatsii, predostavlyayemykh na razvitiye grazhdanskogo obshchestva», 2019) https://президентскиегранты.рф/public/home/about/. Volunteer organizations fall under the definition of NGOs. Moreover, by decree of the President of Russia, 2018 has been declared the Year of the Volunteer. Touching upon the topic of social curators, the Public Chamber of Russia in 2015 discussed the possibility and conditions for the development of social curators for families in which children with disabilities are brought up. After this initiative, in 2016 in Moscow, the All-Russian Workshop "Training of social curators to accompany people with disabilities and their involvement in social practice" was held https://fadm.gov.ru/news/28438. This initiative was supported by charitable foundations and organizations, however, it was put into practice only in 2019, as a pilot project, and so far, has not received wide distribution. Currently, social curatorship is not included in the All-Russian classifier of professions and positions of the Russian Federation. Also, there are no studies or even some exploring of the institution of social curatorship in Russia, because it is new profession.

Official statistics and the normative consolidation of social activity growing. For example, growing from 16% (2015) to 29% (2019) of participation in at least one NGO (Mersiyanova, 2009). However, there is an opinion that the number of volunteers is growing at an insufficient pace, lagging far behind Western countries. As the reasons for the underdevelopment of volunteering, one can identify the ambivalent positions and lack of understanding of the concept of volunteering among the population as a whole. Another reason is an absence of social norms of volunteering and their identification of themselves as a single community (Spirina, 2015). Moreover, in Russia there is an unstable trust in NGOs that slows the development of volunteering in the country. According to large-scale monitoring of the population, which has been going on over the past 14 years, “Doveryat' i uchastvovat': chto grazhdane znayut ob NKO?” The minimum indicator of trust in at least one NGO was observed in 2011 - 15%. The indicator rose sharply in 2017 - 65%, by 2019 the figure fell slightly (Mersiyanova, 2009).

Each country has its own model of volunteering, which varies both culturally and institutionally. For example, in the USA and in a number of European countries the volunteer movement is legally fixed and regulated, special privileges and rights are assigned to volunteers (Shlikhter, 2000). Considering the model of organization of NGOs in Russia, Spirina (2015) found that NGOs have the features of a network organization. It is described as a socially cohesive organization, which has to constantly adapt to a rapidly changing environment. Moreover, the internal network of relationships is built on reputation and trust in each other, on informal and on a weak hierarchical structure. Each member of the network performs several roles in one position taking different responsibilities. Spirina notes that volunteering in Russia assumes the responsibilities of the state, which it does not fulfill. This situation is in contrast with Western countries, in which volunteering is considered as additional employment, a good time for leisure. This conclusion is close to the assertion of Mersiyanova and Yakobson (2009) that volunteering is not perceived in Russia as leisure or additional employment, but as a moral and civic duty. The underdevelopment of the third sector and the absence of a formed national tradition of volunteering make up a portrait of the current state of volunteering in Russia (Pevnaya, 2015).

Volunteers are crucial for the functioning and development of non-profit organizations, which therefore have a serious interest in supporting and expanding voluntary participation. The relationship between social structure and volunteering is important, as Rosenthal et al (2010) in their study, argue that adolescents and young people are most involved in volunteering if they belong to organizations. Organizations, in turn, encourage or require prosocial actions, which affect the functioning of a single volunteer's activity. In the context of some organizations, a volunteer who does not comply with the organization's policies and values is subjected to social condemnation within a group of volunteers and social workers (Klepikova, 2011).

At the modern stage of development, volunteering in Russia is characterized by the merging of various organizational and ideological structures came from Western models (Klepikova, 2011; Sinetskiy, 2006). An example of such a merger can be traced in a number of works devoted to the consideration of the tendency toward demedicalization both in Russia as a whole and in individual non-profit organizations (Altukhova, 2018; Klepikova, 2011, 2019; Korosteleva, 2012). The demedicalization model (or social disability model) is borrowed from the Western tradition. It suggests that disability is not the fault of the individual himself, but a consequence of social, institutional and cultural constraints, that is, it is socially constructed (Oliver & Sapey, 2006).

One of the most important works to comprehend the task of research is a series of works by medical anthropologist A. Klepikova. Klepikova in her early work (2011) studies volunteers of a social year as a professional group with its inherent skills, knowledge and ideological attitudes. Volunteers' NGO considers as a distributor of new views on disability and reproduces the social model of attitudes towards the disease. The researcher pays special attention to symbolic behavior and the construction of social meanings in a volunteer environment, working in psychoneurological residential institutions (hereinafter PNRI) and children's homes. In her work, motivations of volunteers can be distinguished: 1) resolving their own crisis situations through work; 2) understanding the high status of volunteers in society, and 3) for women there is an understanding as a natural work for them. A charitable organization is a system that does not impose strict duties on volunteers, as compensation for their work is relatively small. An NGO seeks to normalize volunteering and introduce its own view on the attitude towards patients - to “normalize” them and integrate them into society. The opposite model is guided by employees in the PNRI. Klepikova describes closed institutions for the maintenance of seriously disabled people from the perspective of the theory of total institutions (Goffman, 1991), in which the personality of patients is constructed using defects and pathologies, and not from their personal qualities. It is worth to note, that in a later work (2017), once again, the researcher notes that staff of closed institutions and members of NGOs present completely differently the needs, opportunities and prospects of their wards. In another equally important work, Klepikova scrupulously and in detail describes her personal experience as a volunteer of the social year, who has to deal with the sometimes rough method of monitoring and caring for wards from the PNRI on a daily basis. Rather, this work can be called fixing researcher's feelings and reflection; the novel was written at the intersection of prose and scientific research in the form of the anthropological novel “Naverno ya durak. Antropologicheskiy roman” (2018).

In this part of the theoretical chapter, we examined the understanding of the concept of “volunteer” and its functions in both the Russian and Western contexts. Moreover, the growth process of the volunteer movement in Russia, its main problems and the management model of NGOs were examined. Also, in conjunction with the first theoretical part, the assertion was analyzed that the activity of a volunteer cannot be considered outside the organizational context, with its special rules, norms and values.

Chapter 2. Methodology, methods and problems in the field

Difficulties in the study. Touching upon the difficulties in the study, entering the field was not difficult, since the volunteer movement and the administration of the NGOs are a friendly and open community to new people and ideas. Merely a few informants ignored my interview reports, there were no direct refusals. Recruiting informants was also facilitated by the fact that the researcher and some informants crossed paths at PNRIs or at trainings, which made it possible to gain trust in the early stages of communication.

In this chapter of empirical work, the narratives of volunteer informants will be analyzed in accordance with the goals and objectives of the study and based on a literature review. To begin with, there are will be given and brief information about background and experience before entering volunteering. It is important to emphasize that the analysis of the process of sense-making will be disclosed in the chapter conditionally, according to the main events in volunteer activities, which were divided into several parts. The breakdown was made not by time, proceeds from the logic of Husky-Lethental's work (2008), which determined the organizational socialization of volunteers according to significant events, rather than time intervals.